Cum conduce spectrul comunismului lumea | Episodul 9: Infiltrarea în Occident - Partea a III-a

6. The New Marxists Who Worship Satan When the street revolution of Western youths was in full swing in the 1960s, there was one who dismissed their naivety, sincerity, and idealism. If the real radical finds that having long hair sets up psychological barriers to communication and organization, he cuts his hair, he said. The man was Saul Alinsky, a radical activist who wrote books, taught students, and personally oversaw the implementation of his theories, eventually becoming the paracommunist agitator with the most menacing influence for decades. Aside from his worship of Lenin and Castro, Alinsky also explicitly praised the devil himself. In his book Rules for Radicals, one of the epigraphs says, Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgement of the very first radical, from all our legends, mythology, and history, and who is to know where mythology leaves off and history begins, or which is which, the first radical known to man, who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom, Lucifer. The reason Alinsky is best termed a paracommunist is that, unlike the old left, political leftists of the 1930s, and the new left, cultural leftists of the 1960s, Alinsky refused to affirmatively describe his political ideals. His overall view was that the world has the haves, the have-a-little-want-mores, and the have-nots. He called upon the have-nots to rebel against the haves by any means and to seize wealth and power in order to achieve a completely, quote, equal society. He sought to seize power through any means while, at the same time, destroying the existing social system. He has been called the Lenin of the post-communist left and its Sun Tzu. In Rules for Radicals, published in 1971, Alinsky systematically set forth his theory and methods of community organizing. These rules include, quote, a tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag, keep the pressure on, the threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself, ridicule is man's most potent weapon, and pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it. The essence of his rules was about using immoral means to achieve his goals and gain power. The nature of Alinsky's seemingly dry rules for community organization becomes clear when they are applied in the real world. When the Vietnam War was still in progress in 1972, George H. W. Bush, then U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, gave a speech at Tulane University. Students at the university who were against the war sought advice from Alinsky, who said that protesting with the usual methods would likely result simply in them being expelled. He thus suggested that they don Ku Klux Klan garb and whenever Bush defended the Vietnam War, they'd stand up with placards and say, quote, the KKK supports Bush. The students did so with very successful attention-getting results. Alinsky and his followers were delighted with two other protests he planned. In 1964, in negotiations with Chicago city authorities, Alinsky concocted the plan of organizing 2,500 activists to occupy the toilets in Chicago's O'Hare International Airport, one of the busiest in the world, to force its operations to grind to a halt. Prior to actually carrying off the plan, he leaked the plan, thus forcing the authorities to negotiate. In order to force Kodak, the major employer in Rochester, New York, to increase the ratio of black employees to white, Alinsky came up with a similar tactic, seizing on an important cultural tradition in the city. An upcoming performance of the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra, Alinsky planned to purchase hundreds of tickets for his activists and feed them baked beans beforehand, so they could fill the theater and ruin the performance with flatulence. This episode didn't come to fruition, but the threat of it, as well as Alinsky's other tactics, enhanced his position in negotiations. Alinsky's book leaves the impression of a sinister, cold, and calculating individual. His use of community organizing was really a form of gradual revolution. The differences between Alinsky and his forerunners were several. First, both old and new leftists were at least idealistic in their rhetoric, while Alinsky stripped revolution of its idealistic veneer and exposed it as a naked power struggle. When he conducted training for community organizations, he would routinely ask the trainees, why organize? Some would say that it was to help others, but Alinsky would roar back, you want to organize for power. In the training manual that Alinsky followers went by, it said, quote, we are not virtuous by not wanting power, we are really cowards for not wanting power, and, quote, power is good, powerlessness is evil. Second, Alinsky didn't think much of the rebellious youth of the 60s, who were publicly against government and society. He stressed that whenever possible, one should enter the system while biding time for opportunities to subvert it from within. Third, Alinsky's ultimate goal was to subvert and destroy, not to benefit any group. Thus, in implementing his plan, it was necessary to conceal the real purpose with localized or staged goals that were seemingly reasonable or harmless by themselves, to mobilize large crowds to action. When people were accustomed to being mobilized, it was relatively easy to mobilize them to act toward more radical goals. In Rules for Radicals, Alinsky said, any revolutionary change must be preceded by a passive, affirmative, non-challenging attitude toward change among the mass of our people. Remember, once you organize people around something as commonly agreed upon as pollution, then an organized people is on the move. From there, it's a short and natural step to political pollution, to Pentagon pollution. A leader from Students for a Democratic Society, who was deeply influenced by Alinsky, nailed the essence of radicalizing protests. Quote, the issue is never the issue, the issue is always the revolution. The radical left after the 60s was deeply influenced by Alinsky and always turned the response to any social issue into dissatisfaction with the status quo overall, as a stepping stone for advancing the revolutionary cause. Fourth, Alinsky turned politics into a guerrilla war without restraint. In explaining his strategy for community organizing, Alinsky told his followers that they need to hit the nose. As he writes in Rules for Radicals, quote, first the eyes. If you have organized a vast, mass-based people's organization, you can parade it visibly before the enemy and openly show your power. Second, the ears. If your organization is small in numbers, then do what Gideon did, conceal the members in the dark, but raise a din and clamor that will make the listener believe that your organization numbers many more than it does. Third, the nose. If your organization is too tiny even for noise, stink up the place. Fifth, from his actions in politics, Alinsky emphasized using the most evil aspects of human nature, including laziness, greed, envy, and hatred. Sometimes participants in his campaigns would win petty gains, but this only made them more cynical and shameless. In order to subvert the political system and social order of free countries, Alinsky was happy to lead his followers to moral bankruptcy. From this, it can be inferred that if he were to truly gain power, he would neither take care of nor pity his former comrades. Decades later, two prominent figures in American politics who were deeply influenced by Alinsky helped to usher in the silent revolution that has subverted American civilization, traditions, and values. At the same time, the no holds barred, unrestricted guerrilla warfare type protests advocated by Alinsky became popular in America from the 1970s on. This is clear through the, quote, vomit in protest in 1999 against the World Trade Organization in Seattle, where protesters ingested a drug that induced vomiting, then collectively vomited in the plaza and conference center, the Occupy Wall Street movement, the Antifa movement, and so on. It's important to note that in one of the introductory pages for Rules for Radicals, Alinsky gave his, quote, acknowledgement to the very first radical, Lucifer. Further, in an interview with Playboy magazine shortly before his death, Alinsky said that when he died, he would, quote, unreservedly choose to go to hell and begin to organize the proletariat there because, quote, they're my kind of people. Seven, the left's long march through the institutions. It was Antonio Gramsci, a prominent Italian communist who promoted the idea of carrying out, quote, the long march through the institutions. He found that it's difficult to incite people with faith to initiate a revolution to overthrow a legitimate government, and so in order to bring about a revolution, communists rely on a large number of foot soldiers who share their dark vision of morality, faith, and traditions. The revolution of the proletariat, then, must begin with the subversion of religion, morality, and civilization. After the failure of the street revolutions in the 1960s, the rebels began entering academia. They obtained degrees, became scholars, professors, government officials, and journalists, and entered the mainstream of society to carry out the long march through the institutions. Thus, they infiltrated and corrupted the institutions that are crucial for the maintenance of the morality of Western society. This includes the church, the government, the education system, the legislative and judicial bodies, the art world, the media, and NGOs. The United States, since the 1960s, has been like a patient with an affliction who cannot identify the cause. Paramarxist ideas have seeped deep into American society and have been metastasizing. Among the many revolutionary theories and strategies that have been put forward, the Cloward-Piven strategy, proposed by two sociologists from Columbia University, became among the most well-known, and it has been tested with some degree of success. The core concept of the strategy is to use the public welfare system to force the government to collapse. According to U.S. government policy, the number of people eligible for welfare benefits is far greater than the number of people actually receiving benefits. As long as these people are encouraged or organized to take benefits, they will soon use up the government's funds, ensuring that the government will be unable to make ends meet. The National Welfare Rights Organization is behind the implementation of this strategy. According to statistics, from 1965 to 1974, the number of single-parent families receiving benefits surged from 4.3 million to 10.8 million, more than doubling. In 1970, 28% of the annual budget of New York City was spent on welfare expenses. On average, of every two people who worked, one person received benefits. From 1960 to 1970, the number of people receiving benefits in New York City rose from 200,000 to 1.1 million. In 1975, New York City was almost bankrupt. The Cloward-Piven strategy is intended to create a crisis. It thus can be regarded as another implementation of Alinsky's theories, one of which is to, quote, make the enemy live up to its own book of rules. Since the Bolshevik Revolution led by Lenin, the Communist Party has been good at intrigue and scheming. With a very small number of people, it created powerful revolutions and crises that could then be taken advantage of. Similar things happen in American politics. For example, some of the left's ideas in the United States are so radical that they seem incomprehensible to most people. Why, for instance, do lawmakers and elected officials seem to represent only the voice of extreme minorities, such as transgender people, but ignore the important issues of livelihood of the majority? The answer is simple. They are not representing the real public opinion. Lenin once said that labor unions are, quote, the transmission belts from the Communist Party to the masses. The communists found that as long as they control the labor unions, they control a large number of votes. As long as they control the votes, they can make elected officials and lawmakers do their bidding. Therefore, communists seek to gain control of labor unions, thereby controlling a large number of parliamentarians and elected officials to turn the communist subversive political program into that of left-wing politics. W. Cleon Skousen wrote in his book, The Naked Communist, that one of the communist's 45 goals is to, quote, capture one or both of the political parties in the United States. Communists and those who ignorantly act on their behalf try to subvert the political and social system of free societies in any way they can. After decades of communist planning and operations, the governments and societies of the United States and other Western countries have been severely eroded as communist thinking and elements have entered the U.S. body politic.