Battle of Callinicum, 531 AD ⚔️ Belisarius intercepts the Persians in Syria ⚔️ DOCUMENTARY

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These festivities normally lasted three to seven days, but the procession was cut short when one of the attendees ran into the main tent to announce that a Persian army was approaching. General Azarethes just finished a successful campaign deep into Syria. He now marshaled his troops back east, across Byzantine territory. Encumbered with loot, the army made camp across the river Euphrates, planning to purchase supplies at Kalinicum and continue their march the next day. But several hours later, as the afternoon wore on, the Romans were sighted. At the helm of the army was the standard of Belisarius. The year is 531. Under the rule of Justinian I, the Byzantine Empire is nearing the height of its military power. Having been crowned four years earlier in 527, Emperor Justinian inherited from his predecessor and uncle, Justin I, ongoing hostilities with the rival Sassanid Empire to the east. The two empires had previously fought an extended conflict from 502 to 506, which had ended in a stalemate and resulted in no territorial changes. The Byzantines were forced to pay 1,000 pounds of gold as an indemnity to the Sassanians. Throughout the conflict, the war effort had been impeded by the fact that the empire lacked a major base on its eastern frontier. The Persians, however, were able to conduct the war from their fortified city of Nisibis. The Romans attempted to remedy this issue in 505, beginning construction on the fortress city of Daraa, only 18 kilometers from Nisibis, and just 5 kilometers from the border. Daraa's fortification efforts continued even as the two empires made peace in 506, with its walls and fortifications completed between 507 and 508. But the peace of 506 did little to quell tensions, as both sides continued to struggle for dominance in the region through a series of proxy wars and political intrigue. These political maneuverings came to a head in the early 520s. Looking to strengthen his position in the predominantly Christian Caucasus region, the Sassanian King of Kings, Khavad I, attempted to forcefully convert the area to Zoroastrianism. This decision proved to be a mistake, as the Kingdom of Iberia rejected both Zoroastrianism as well as Persian rule, and rose up in rebellion. The Iberians appealed to the Byzantines for aid, with Justinian's predecessor Justin I pledging to defend the Christian kingdom. The rebellion was crushed by 527 however, and with the death of Justin I in the same year, the newly crowned Byzantine Emperor Justinian I looked to stabilize the situation. Up until this point the conflict had been going poorly for the Romans, as two of their offensives against Nisibis and Thebatha had also been repelled. Worse, the Persians additionally began making headway into Lazica in 528, successfully capturing a number of forts along the kingdom's eastern border. In response, Justinian I looked to revamp the empire's eastern armies. Previously, military command in the east had been the sole responsibility of the magister militum per orientum. This post was now split into two, with the newly created office of the magister militum per armenium, which would be responsible for overseeing operations in the north, while the magister militum per orientum retained command over the southern frontier. The emperor appointed general Citus in the north, while Belisarius oversaw operations in the south. Although his forces at first suffered a defeat at the Battle of Thaneris in the summer of 528, these reorganization efforts would pay off in the following years. Under this new system, two incursions would be repelled. The first in 530 at Daraa, in which Belisarius defeated a Persian force twice the size of his own, and the second incursion in 530 was repelled at Satala. After these setbacks, Khavad opted to shift his focus to the south. Under the command of general Azarethes, a force of around 15,000 Persian cavalry, along with an allied contingent of 5,000 Lakhmid Arabs, were gathered for another campaign, their objective to capture Antioch. The combined army began marching northwest before crossing the Euphrates, along a poorly defended stretch of the Roman frontier. The Persian army managed to remain undetected for some time as it began moving deeper into Roman territory, most likely being first spotted by the garrison at Callinicum. Upon receiving news of the impending invasion, Belisarius, who had been encamped at Daraa, set off towards the city of Chalcis, aiming to block the Persian advance. He brought with him a force of approximately 8,000, consisting of 3,000 cavalry and 5,000 allied Arab, Saracen, and Bedouin infantry. Because the Persians were plundering villages and cities as they went, the Romans managed to reach Chalcis first. Here Belisarius received additional reinforcements, bringing his forces to around 25,000 warriors. Having been outmaneuvered and now also outnumbered, the Sasanian army promptly turned around and began making its way back to friendly territory, marching with the Euphrates to their left and with the Roman army trailing about a day behind. While it is possible that Belisarius could have caught up to the withdrawing Persian army, it seems that he was hoping to avoid battle, content with chasing the Persians out of Roman lands. On the night of April 18th, which happened to be Good Friday, the Persian army encamped on the southern bank of the Euphrates, opposite the city of Callinicum, while the Roman army encamped at Sura. At approximately noon the following day on April 19th, just as the Persians were preparing to decamp, forward elements of the Roman army began arriving in the vicinity. Given the distance between Sura and Callinicum and considering that both armies had been moving at a relatively even pace up to this point, there are a number of proposed explanations as to how the Romans were suddenly able to catch the retreating Persian forces. The first suggests that in preparation for the march across the no man's land that lay between the two empires, the Persians had made camp earlier than normal the day before and decamped later the following morning. Additionally, the majority of the Roman force were devout Christians and had been reportedly fasting for the entirety of Good Friday, as well as the morning of Holy Saturday. As such, they likely did not have to stop for meals. It is possible the quicker pace of the Romans, in addition to the Persians' decision to encamp earlier and decamp later than usual, could have resulted in Belisarius' forces unexpectedly catching the Sassanid army. The second explanation asserts that the Persians wanted the Romans to catch them, purposely encamping earlier the day before and decamping later in the morning to fully rest and feed their troops before the battle. This explanation also believes that the Persians were aware the Roman army was fasting and after a roughly 15 km march from Sura they would be in poor fighting condition. Other factors contributing to the Persian decision to give battle are mentioned as well, among them being that the wind was also in their favor, blowing into the back of their troops and toward the Roman lines, which would have helped with the arrow exchange during the battle. Some speculate that the Sassanids had simply been looking for a more suitable place to fight the entire time, with the area opposite Callinicum being the first suitable terrain encountered by the all-cavalry Persian force throughout the course of their retreat. Regardless of the reasoning, however, Belisarius was unwilling to give battle. However, from a combination of religious zeal and overconfidence from its recent victories, the Roman army began pressuring their commanders to fight. Supported by a few of his officers, Belisarius tried to reason with his troops. He argued that there was no reason to fight, that the Sassanids were already retreating, that they would be at a disadvantage because of the long march and religious fasting, but also that a portion of the army on foot still had yet to arrive on the battlefield. These seemingly logical arguments fell on deaf ears, however. In response, the Roman soldiers began insulting their general, calling him weak and a destroyer of zeal, to which even some officers joined in this offense. Under risk of mutiny, Belisarius began drawing up his men for battle. The Roman deployment was as follows. Belisarius anchored his left flank, consisting of mostly heavy infantry, on the Euphrates. In the center he placed all of his Roman cavalry, many of which were cataphracts. On the right were the allied Ghassanid Arab units. The Sassanids deployed in roughly three equal groups, with the Persians taking up the army's center and right flank, with their Lakhmid Arab allies forming the left. It is also possible that a fourth group existed, which would have either been held in the rear as a mobile reserve, or deployed as a second Persian line. On the flat flood plains between the high cliffs and the river Euphrates, it is generally agreed that the battle began with an arrow exchange between the two armies, although it is unclear who had the better of this ranged duel. Procopius states that the Romans gained the advantage on account of their more powerful bows, as while the Persians were able to fire more quickly, their bows lacked the necessary power to penetrate the heavier Roman armor. Alternatively, Zachariah records that the Persian archers had the better of this initial clash due to the wind blowing in their favor. As the two armies continued to skirmish, Azarethes used this time to closely examine the Roman army and its deployment. After apparently identifying the Roman right as a weak spot, Azarethes began shifting his best units to the left. Once they were in position, the entire Persian army surged forward. Belisarius failed to notice the change in the Persian formation, however, and thus did not counter the now overloaded Persian left wing. Azarethes' estimation of the Roman right flank proved to be correct, as the Ghassanids were routed within moments of making contact with the Persian cavalry. The Persians then began folding into the now exposed Roman center right, slowly rolling up the line. With many units now surrounded and with no right flank, large contingents of Roman infantry and cavalry began fleeing, some even seeking refuge on the small islands in the middle of the river. Despite their situation, the Roman center still managed to hold on for some time as both Belisarius and his Hunnic cavalry commander, Ascan, continued to resist. After killing many notables among the Persians, Ascan was gradually hacked to pieces along with 800 others who fought to the death beside their commander. With his death, what remained of the Roman center shattered and fled. Belisarius then retreated back behind the remnants of the heavy infantry on the left flank. The Roman infantry arrayed in a U-shaped defensive position against the river. The infantry formed a shield wall with foot archers at the center. It is here, however, where two different accounts exist in regards to the actions of Belisarius. According to Procopius, Belisarius himself, along with what was left of his cavalry, dismounted and fought alongside the infantry until nightfall, at which point the Persians withdrew to their camp and the Romans were able to safely cross the Euphrates by boat or by swimming across. The second account, recorded by John Malalus, asserts that after withdrawing behind his infantry, Belisarius instead fled aboard a boat and abandoned his troops, leaving his other deputy commanders to hold the line. Regardless of which version is true, both accounts agree that the Romans very narrowly avoided a disastrous defeat. Despite ultimately being considered a Pyrrhic victory for the Sassanids, the battle did few favors for either side, as both armies had essentially been crippled, suffering similarly heavy casualties. Upon his return to Ctesiphon, Azarethes was removed from command and stripped of his honors by Kavad I, who was displeased with the heavy losses. In Constantinople, an inquiry of incompetence and responsibility was held against Belisarius for the defeats he suffered previously at Thaneris and now at Callinicum. In his own defense, Belisarius blamed the reckless and overzealousness of his troops, who he asserted had forced him into battle. Although the general was eventually cleared from blame, Belisarius was recalled from his position as magister militum. Approximately one year after the battle, in the summer of 532, the rival empires would agree to what they deemed an eternal peace, which would ultimately only last until 540. See you in the next one.