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“The nations that had staged successful Marxist revolutions didn't do it on purely economic grounds, but first had attacked the civil institutions, which is just another word for the cultural institutions of the working class.”
In this episode, I sit down with Liz Wheeler, host of The Liz Wheeler Show and author of the new book “Hide Your Children: Exposing the Marxists Behind the Attack on America’s Kids.”
“We've forgotten to protect children's innocence, and that's a key part of the Marxist strategy to destroy our country, is to subvert the innocence of our sons and daughters,” says Ms. Wheeler. “Social Emotional Learning is one of the most interesting parts of how the Marxist ideology is reaching everyone's children.”
What are the key ways in which the far-left takes power, and how have they been successful in re-engineering society? Why might the concept of “neutrality” actually be a trap?
“We’ve fallen for this idea that we shouldn't insert any kind of values or moral order into our society, that we shouldn't use government—[the] just authority of government—to help create this moral order. And because of that, we've withdrawn our values from a lot of these institutions that have been captured,” says Ms. Wheeler. “The Republican Party has embraced libertarianism as conservatism, but it’s not.”
You look at some of these cities like, say, San Francisco, LA, other places where, for example,
there's these open-air drug markets. That's one way to describe the scene. There's this
radical libertarianism that's promoted where you say, well, this person who's addicted to this
drug, we can't impose ourselves on them and prevent them from taking this somehow, because
for some reason that would be imposing on their rights, but it's perfectly fine for them to kill
themselves with the drug. It's weird. It's like our priorities have become inverted. We lost that
guiding principle that you're outlining here. It's very interesting because this problem that
I am discussing isn't just relegated to legislatures and statutes and the boring stuff.
This is evident in our culture. It's evident actually in the back and forth that I've been
having with Andrew Tate for the past few weeks. Andrew Tate, obviously, is this Mascubro
influencer. He was the most Googled man in the world a year ago. He tells young men that they
are under attack by our society. He accurately actually diagnoses this cultural ill that our
society vilifies men. Then he prescribes as the antidote materialism and pornography and
exploitation of women and worship of self, this very self-destructive prescription for a problem
that he accurately diagnoses. This is perfectly emblematic of what has happened in our political
cultural environment. It's fairly easy to look at something that's wrong and identify it as wrong,
but what's not as easy is to define what's right. It's easy to point out what's wrong,
but it's not easy to define what's right. What happens in our culture and what has
happened culturally and politically is exactly what has happened with Andrew Tate,
where you have someone who, to his credit, is courageous enough to point out a bad thing that's
happening in culture, even when that is unpopular to point out. It resonates with a lot of people
who are the victims, who are being victimized by this assault, in this case, on their masculinity.
But then because we as a culture and as a political body, as a nation, have surrendered
the idea that objective truth exists, that natural law must reign if we want society to
be well-ordered, we fall prey to a false diagnosis. We fall prey to a self-destructive diagnosis as
a solution to the problem, even if the problem was correctly identified. This has happened in
politics, too. It's really libertarianism. Libertarianism doesn't want to define what's
right. They want that to be a morally relativistic, individual truth. They want
everyone to have the license to make those decisions about morality themselves, even when
it impacts the larger society. That is not conservatism. The Republican Party has embraced
libertarianism as conservatism, but it's not. In fact, the framers of our Constitution rejected
libertarianism because that's essentially what the Articles of Confederation were.
The Articles of Confederation were a libertarian document. It didn't work. It created chaos for
the first years of our country. So the Constitutional Convention was convened,
and they came up with a document that was not libertarian, a document that understood the
necessity of a moral order in society and gave government the just authority to recognize
objective reality, to recognize natural law. When I say it's not a new idea,
it's not even a new practice. We have laws in our nation right now, for example, where children
are not allowed to even walk across the floor of a casino. Why is that? It's not because they're
going to be physically harmed walking across the floor of a casino, walking through slot machines.
It's because we as a society acknowledge that that's immoral. It's morally harmful for a child,
not physically harmful, morally harmful. That's just one example of many. We have laws that
govern morality, even if it doesn't dictate religious practice. The left would like us to
believe that those two things are the same thing, and those two things are not the same thing.
The people at home, entrusted as the protectors, meaning our elected officials,
they willingly surrendered the definition of words. Again, I know it's incredibly unpopular,
even among Republicans, to talk about gay marriage, but gay marriage was the beginning
of the redefinition of words that Republicans allowed. There was no limiting principle on it
at the time, and we're seeing the repercussions of that. It's an incredibly important battle
that Republicans simply surrendered because they were like, oh, I don't care what you do in your
own home. I don't want to define for someone what happiness might mean. Who am I to boss
someone around? Separation of church and state, blah, blah, blah. They willingly surrendered this
definition, not realizing the power that it would give to the other side. We're suffering from it
today. I wasn't thinking about any of these
implications at the time. The people at the time who spoke out against
the efforts to legalize gay marriage, who warned about the repercussions, were accused of engaging
in slippery slope fallacies. They were called Bible thumpers. They were castigated as the
religious right, things that a lot of conservatives didn't want to be associated with those names,
and so they backed off. But I think we're such a prosperous society. We have enjoyed
such immense freedom and wealth and opportunity, just this amazing life that we have in the United
States of America that we forget, or it's not tangible, we can't feel it, that there are people
who want to take it away from us, who have the ability to take it away from us, and that if we
don't constantly fight back against it, not just defensively holding it at bay, but if we don't
hold down the fort, then someone else is going to occupy it.
People call it the politics of personal destruction. Another way to talk about it is
heckler's veto. This has been such an incredibly powerful tool of this authoritarian left.
It is. The heckler's veto is, I'm going to intimidate you into silence, even if the law
doesn't require it. I'm going to socially coerce you into compliance. We've seen this
everywhere from on college campuses. I went to speak at James Madison University this past April,
and there were a thousand radical trans activists. The speech was literally titled
The Ideology of Transgenderism. I was talking about where did this idea of the gender spectrum
come from? Where did the idea that if you identify as a woman, you can be a woman,
where did this come from? Of course, the answer to that is queer theory. It's a critical theory
that begot of the Frankfurt School. I was talking about the intellectual roots of this, and the
debate team was so objected to hearing a discussion on this that they condemned my
appearance at this school. Now, I'm pretty used to being protested. I've been in this work for
a long time. I understand it, and I understand how to respond. But they were hoping to intimidate me
away from being able to speak. They were hoping that threats of violence against me and my family
and against the facility and the students that we're hosting would cause my viewpoint not to
be discussed. I'm saying this because I care so much about our children and our families and our
country and these cultural institutions, but we've become so worried about uncomfortable
conversations that even on the personal level, let alone the governmental level or the cultural
level, we bow to the hecklers veto quite often, and it empowers them.
You have this impression that a much larger group than just the people that are
very, very loud, that's agreeing to that position, so you back down.
I talk about this a little bit in one of the chapters of my book about technocracy.
Technocracy is ruled by the experts. A lot of us became more familiar with this during
COVID when it was like, oh, all hail King Fauci. Listen to what he says. He is the
predominant expert. Therefore, we are not allowed to question or dissent or have opinions that
differ from his. He's a perfect example of technocracy, although he's far from the only
example. It's not an isolated individual here or there that makes up the technocratic class.
This is an idea. I was researching this for my book, and what I found is the idea of technocracy
goes all the way back to French socialists or this Russian Bolshevik scientist physician
who accurately described technocracy ruled by the experts, which is kind of the heckler's veto,
right? If we make enough noise, you're not allowed to dissent. He described it as a
stepping stone. Technocracy is a stepping stone from capitalism to communism, because once
individuals who maybe aren't in positions of elected power are unable to dissent,
unable to question, then they have sacrificed their ability to identify objective truth,
and they've surrendered that power to redefine words to someone arbitrary who's claiming to be
an expert.