第十章 革命在深入：宣传和干部教育系统的重建 -《红太阳是怎样升起的：延安整风运动的来龙去脉》- 高华[莫寂读书]

The 10th revolution is deepening. The re-establishment of propaganda and cadres' education system and the re-establishment of the party's slogan Yan'an, the whole of the Liberation Daily In the organization of the CCP's politics The party's ideology propaganda department has always held an extremely important position Ideological propaganda is important to the CCP Not only because it can be the party's politics Military and other practices provide a complete set of explanations Make all CCP activities Based on ethics and morality And can also be used by party leaders As a powerful tool to deal with political enemies in the party Because of this After the end of the 1930s Mao Zedong has been fighting for the control of the CCP's ideology department Because at that time and after a fairly long period The newspaper has a special position in the CCP's ideology propaganda system Mao Zedong paid the most attention to the CCP's newspaper 1941-1942 Mao Zedong relied on strong organizational institutions Central Senior Learning Group The Central General Academy of Sciences fully occupied the CCP's public opinion In the end, it was released under its absolute control The reform of the CPC Central Committee Mechanical Report and the Liberation Daily Is an important part of Mao Zedong's strategic action Mao Zedong's reform of the Liberation Daily Is to promote comprehensive reform A well-planned attack This marks the end of the process of Mao's personal control of public opinion Since the June 6th General Assembly in 1938 After the June 6th General Assembly Although Mao Zedong has already established The CCP's propaganda policy plays a decisive role But his control of the propaganda department Has not reached an absolute level There are some internationalists in the CCP's propaganda department Hosting work There is a certain restriction on Mao Zedong Therefore, Mao Zedong's CCP propaganda system It's still left and right First of all, Mao Zedong was appointed by Bogu Director of the CPC Central Committee Unreliable attitude The CPC Central Committee is a An organization that has existed in the history of the CCP for a long time Its main duty is to represent the leaders of the Politburo Monitor all the press releases of the CCP Since the early 1930s The director of the CPC Central Committee Has been in charge of Zhang Wentian for a long time After 1938, although Bogu took over But because Bogu stayed at the Nanfang Bureau of Chongqing The CPC Central Committee is actually still under the control of Zhang Wentian Until November 1940 Bogu returned to Yan'an The CPC Central Committee is truly responsible for Bogu After the Sixth Plenary Session of the CCP Yan'an's newspaper began to put Mao's speech and activities To a prominent position But Mao Zedong did this Under the arrangement of Zhang Wentian and Bogu Mao Zedong is just a prominent member of the Politburo In order to reflect the principle of collective leadership Various newspapers in Yan'an still publish a lot The theoretical articles of Zhang Wentian, Wang Ming, and Kaifeng This kind of public opinion It makes it impossible for major party members to reduce their admiration for Wang Ming It also makes it impossible for them to increase their understanding of Mao Zedong For this situation, although Mao Zedong was angry But there was nothing to do After all, Mao Zedong did not take the initiative to remind others to sing However, Mao Zedong insisted on moving to Zhang Wentian The determination of Bogu and Zhang Wentian has been determined Another dissatisfied object of Mao Zedong It was led by Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai Xinhua Daily Xinhua Daily, as the CCP Mechanical Newspaper Published in Wuhan on January 11, 1938 In the future, with the CCP delegation to Chongqing It is the only CCP important newspaper that is not directly controlled by Mao In a fairly long period It actually played the role of the CCP Central Mechanical Newspaper For the nature of the Central Mechanical Newspaper of Xinhua Daily In the Chinese Communist Party in 1938 No one will publicly raise questions In fact, Yan'an has also admitted On April 2, 1938 The CCP Yangtze River Bureau, in the name of the CCP Central Committee Send instructions to local parties Ask the party committees of all levels Subscribe to Xinhua Daily And discuss the Xinhua Daily at the party meeting Published an article by Shelun and the Central Committee In terms of technology Xinhua Daily is also indisputably At the top of all CCP newspapers Most of the editors of Xinhua Daily Famous CCP cultural people Wang Ming, Zhou Enlai even invited The Central Committee sent people to participate in the Xinhua Daily Compared with the large-scale Xinhua Daily Yan'an's Zhou Er Bao, Xin Zhonghua Bao Just a small newspaper Very inconsistent with the identity of the Central Mechanical Newspaper In early July 1938 Wang Ming instructed Xinhua Daily Temporarily not publish Mao Zedong's book Caused Mao Zedong's great anger Not long after, Wang Ming, Zhou Enlai And the command of the Yangtze River Bureau In the form of the 15th book of the new group Ordered the book of the book But this did not erase Mao Zedong's The resentment of Wang Ming, Zhou Enlai May 17, 1939 Mao Zedong arrested Zhou Enlai Agree to temporarily suspend the Xinhua Daily Participate in the United Edition proposed by the Kuomintang Strictly accuse Zhou Enlai You did not ask for the opinion of the Central Secretary And agree to suspend It's a big political oversight In Mao Zedong's eyes, Xinhua Daily Not only became Wang Ming, Zhou Enlai The tool used by Zhiyu and Yan'an to stop the resistance Also became the second political bureau Guide the whole party The public opinion of the CCP I really can't stand it Mao Zedong was strongly dissatisfied with the Xinhua Daily But for the Kuomintang This is a newspaper published by the CCP Mao was unable to direct his own At the same time, Mao also asked If you can make Zhou Enlai change his mind And put Mao's personal influence on the Xinhua Daily Make a difference in politics and thought Xinhua Daily There is a need for it to continue It's just that the Xinhua Daily As the only official newspaper of the CCP Must change In the spring of 1941 The measures of the CCP's news agency The first step Mao Zedong used the technical conditions As a limit Proposed a temporary layoff of most of Yan'an Financial difficulties are certainly a fact But Mao's focus is not here Because of the financial withdrawal After the economic situation improved Did not recover The result of the layoff is Editor-in-chief Zhang Wentian's Liberation Weekly A group of newspapers such as the Communist Party Close the door Almost no more party newspapers Need management Mao Zedong's second action is On May 15, 1941 Announced the new China News And Xinhua News Agency's internal accounts Combined with the news of the day Officially launched a large CCP central agency newspaper Liberation Daily In the future, all the CCP's party policies Will be announced to the whole country By the Liberation Daily and Xinhua News Agency The founding of the Liberation Daily Is Mao Zedong in the unified Communist Party In terms of propaganda and public opinion Made a major progress Mao was very concerned about the Liberation Daily He personally wrote a speech for the newspaper However, not long after The performance of the Liberation Daily It is expected by Master Mao Mao found that the newspaper in terms of speech With the already closed Yan'an Dangkan There is no real difference Mao Zedong chose Bogu to serve President of the Liberation Daily The person in charge of Xinhua News Agency Although it is a layoff for Bogu It is also a comfort for Bogu Who used to serve as the director of the Central Party Committee Mao believes Under his own nose Bogu dare not disobey his own will The Liberation Daily will always follow his will But the situation It's not as smooth as Mao Zedong thought Bogu and the editor-in-chief of the newspaper Yang Song, another international figure Cooperate The Liberation Daily has become the Soviet Union China version of Zhenlibao Not long after the publication of the Liberation Daily This is a top priority for the Communist Party of Yan'an So Bogu Yang Song, etc. With the most prominent position in the newspaper The war between the Soviet Union and the Soviet Red Army News about international issues The editorial and article are on the newspaper Overwhelming advantage And the report on the Communist Party and its army At the same time, the number is relatively small The position is also not idle Mao Zedong's Liberation Daily Directly use foreign communications Extremely angry Think this kind of written disclosure The way to put the newspaper directly on the newspaper So that the reader can't see the party A major event in an international country The position and tendency Is to be a propaganda agent for others The Liberation Daily About Mao Zedong's personal activities And the propaganda of the whole movement Also made Mao Zedong very dissatisfied After the Liberation Daily Mao almost without any cover Ask Yang Song to promote himself in the newspaper Talk more about modernity Talk less about ancient times Especially after the Zunyi Conference How to save the crisis To promote more Let everyone know the correct route How to lead the revolution to victory But the Liberation Daily led by Yang Song But this word of Mao Weak as a net paper For his activities To a particularly important position Liberation Daily Just in the lower right corner of the third edition The news of the reorganization of the three reports Although Mao was seen as Serious contempt for his personal authority So Mao thought The Liberation Daily under the leadership of Bogu Propaganda of the whole movement There is no breadth and no depth Yes, the Liberation Daily often covers Zhang Wentian, Wu Liangping, etc. The long and smelly articles About Malia and propaganda of the Soviet Union Mao Zedong is even more unbearable On May 16, 1941 The Liberation Daily published Another French writer Alan Paul Zhang Wentian and others In addition to publishing articles in the newspaper Also instructed cadres of the Malian Academy From some theoretical publications in the Soviet Union Translate large articles Then transferred to the Liberation Daily At this time, the original page was tense The Liberation Daily was full of Yang Bagu It looks more ordinary and tasteless The face can be increased May 16, 1941 to September 15 The Liberation Daily published only two pages The reason for Mao Zedong's determination to rectify the Liberation Daily Mao repeatedly criticized the Liberation Daily Emphasized We are in China Should be based on the propaganda of our party The Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army and the border area Based on the land Under Mao Zedong's proposal The CPC Central Committee decided to modify the Liberation Daily And put this as Part of the Yan'an whole movement February 1942 Mao Zedong rectified the Liberation Daily The action officially began As soon as the Liberation Daily entered the Liberation Daily In the case of temporarily maintaining the newspaper leadership Lu Dingyi became The highest person in charge of the Liberation Daily Above Bagu March 16, 1942 The Central Propaganda Department issued a notice to improve the party newspaper Asking the Communist Party of China According to Comrade Mao Zedong The call to rectify Sanfeng To check and modify the newspaper March 31, 1942 Mao Zedong personally hosted the Liberation Daily Change the forum More than 70 people gathered to encourage the meeting Criticize the shortcomings of the Liberation Daily April 1 The Liberation Daily published The readers announced that from today The cover of the newspaper has been completely reformed To make the Liberation Daily Can become a real battle Party's mechanized newspaper The Liberation Daily was completely taken over by Mao Zedong Under direct control To be fair Mao Zedong's criticism of the Liberation Daily Some are true Mao Zedong's starting point Is to consolidate personal control of the newspaper Therefore, Mao's criticism in many respects Is to exaggerate It has made Mao Zedong extremely dissatisfied For foreign communications As a duty communicator Mao's criticism is also not fair Liberation Daily During the second world war Exposed the report The war between the Soviet Union and the US-British alliance The situation of the anti-Fascist battlefield Not entirely in line with the readers' reading needs During the anti-war period Any serious newspaper with a patriotic stance Must fulfill its duty The report on Mao Zedong's personal activities Maintain a certain degree of moderation This is related to Mao's position in the party From the principle of the CCP organization Mao is still a member of the Politburo and the Secretary's Office Not a fair general secretary Publicize the collective Less publicity of personal collective leadership principles At least on the surface of Mao Zedong Also agree Liberation Daily There is a reason for this Because Mao Zedong himself At the June 6th General Assembly of the CCP Call for the whole party to carry out the study of Marxism-Leninism Just ignited this fire As for the international faction That's another matter Because Mao Zedong's shareholders Objectively provide them with a chance Zhang Wentian and others Just in the process of doing things by order By the way, some private goods are used to show off In fact Under the political pressure of Yan'an Yang Song did not do well Liberation Daily has been careful Especially Yang Song Almost dry I'm afraid there's something wrong with my work Leading to Mao's dissatisfaction Make your own dark political future More sinister Yang Song's original name Wu Shaoyi used Wu Ping Waxili, Ge Li, etc. Hubei Huang'an County Dawu County Is a person with Mao Zedong Old Communist Party member Yang Song January 1927 After entering the Moscow University of Zhongshan Long-term stay in the Chinese Communist Party International delegation Has a close relationship with Wang Ming 1931-1933 Yang Song was transferred to the Soviet Union The Director of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Pacific Operations Council Engaged in Chinese education Special work to collect Japanese intelligence In the fall of 1933 Yang Song was transferred again Moscow Red Operations International Oriental Department 1934-1935 Yang Song was ordered by Wang Ming Many times on behalf of the Communist Party of China Look at the life-threatening secret The former was occupied by Japan To the Communist Party of China Transmit instructions Coordinate internal relations Yang Song also protected many times About to be sentenced and exiled The Northeastern Communist Party cadres who were transferred to the Soviet Union for inspection In order to avoid being poisoned by Kangsheng I had a grudge against Kangsheng Punished by the party's warning Yang Song has long been in extreme hardship In the northeast underground environment Serious lung fusion February 1938 Yang Song was transferred to Yan'an Under the leadership of Zhang Wentian Do theoretical propaganda work Former Secretary-General of the Central Propaganda Department And the Director of Propaganda And at the Malie Institute China's Modern Revolutionary Movement After the opening of the Liberation Daily, Bogu Yang Song Intentionally put the Liberation Daily Half-Prime Minister, Truth Daily, Da Gong Daily, Xinhua Daily Authoritative newspapers with such a wide influence He studied Truth Daily, Da Gong Daily, Zhongshi Sheping Every day The model of the Liberation Daily At the request of Bogu Also insist on writing the Liberation Daily in person every day Due to the heavy task of writing The working environment is extremely poor Yang Song's lung fusion has reoccurred But Yang Song is still working hard Bogu Although Yang Song is against Mao Zedong There is doubt about the intention to launch the whole wind But in the work of the newspaper I dare not be negligent Yang Song is even more cautious Every day from the news report Check carefully Often work overnight September 1941 After the Politburo meeting The Liberation Daily only followed Mao Zedong's steps Frequently publish anti-institutional Subjective debate and exclusive September 2, the Liberation Daily Published an anti-study Institutional debate September 16, the Liberation Daily published Mao Zedong's political secretary Hu Qiaomu's article Why announce to subjectivism Resolute and ruthless war On October 14, the subjectivist source of Esquire One article Subjectivism has a book teaching Two basic forms of experience The two objects that motivated Mao Officially exposed Although the Liberation Daily promoted the whole wind But Bogu Yang Song No matter how hard it is, it's a waste February 1942 Mao Zedong ordered to take over the Liberation Daily Lu Dingyi's mansion Yan'an, where the Liberation Daily is Take Yang Song and cut him down Lu Dingyi and others criticized the Liberation Daily Every day to write a false story Waste labor Yang Fangzhi and others even pointed at Yang Song Rough and rotten Lu Dingyi's actions are not just a debate But to use the debate as a breakthrough Seeking to change the group in one fell swoop Liberation Daily To put it bluntly Lu Dingyi's opponent Lu Dingyi's opinion was finally adopted The Liberation Daily quickly cancelled One day, one article On August 15, 1942 Lu Dingyi officially replaced Yang Song Served as editor-in-chief of the Liberation Daily Yang Song died in hospital On November 23, 1942 Second Lu Dingyi Hu Qiaomu and Mao After the confirmation of the principles of journalism Although the Liberation Daily is still the president of Bogu But to a large extent Although Bogu is still in the newspaper Continue to be responsible for some specific matters However, the authority of the Liberation Daily Already in the hands of editor-in-chief Lu Dingyi And Hu Qiaomu, Minister of the Central Propaganda Department The Liberation Daily Under the specific leadership of Lu Dingyi and Hu Qiaomu Actively follow Mao Zedong's related instructions From the content of the report and the design of the panel A series of links Members of the Liberation Daily Gradually established some basic principles Therefore, the framework of Mao's journalism was built Mao Zedong's most prominent feature of journalism Is to regard political power As the essence of journalism And deny that news Has a super positive attribute Mao Zedong was very interested in journalism In the early years During his work at the Peking University Library Listened to the speech of Shao Piaoping, a journalist At the beginning of the Republic of China Participated in the activities of the Peking University Student Union Also founded the Xiangjiang Commentary And once served as a member of the 17th Nationalist Party of the Great Revolution The main pen of the Central Propaganda Department Political Weekly However, Mao Zedong, who was deeply involved in the Liberation Daily And the Four Dynasties Did not accept the view of liberal journalism Although Mao Zedong has always liked Reading political-oriented, neutral Big news, deep news, etc. However, he always put his reading preferences And the requirements for the CCP's news propaganda work Based on political power Divided into two Mao wants to know everything Public and internal news And the general cadres of the CCP and ordinary people Only need to know the part of the news that the party wants them to know Mao Zedong's political power Journalist It was through the explanation of Lu Dingyi and Hu Qiaomu The earliest in the Yan'an Liberation Daily It is reflected It is based on five core principles Contains a series of concepts of mutual contact The first principle of low party nature Mao Zedong, Lu Ding, Hu Qiaomu Any newspaper is a certain class Tools for political struggle There is no super class in the world Objective report The newspaper founded by the CCP Is the party's political route Because the Communist Party represents the direction of historical development And the fundamental interests of the people The party newspaper should not only be the party's textbook And it is also the people's textbook In order not to disappoint the people Hu Qiaomu said The people's hope is to read textbooks The CCP should make the party newspaper like Zhang Zhang Good joint party history So that the people can read for a lifetime For this reason, the party newspaper should be in all aspects of itself In every article Every message All can be included in the party's point of view The party's opinion All comments, news, and photos Must be based on whether it meets the interests of the party As a standard And add to the choice and arrangement And judge everything from the party's position The party newspaper is definitely not a newspaper that only reports news It is a propaganda tool for the party's mission And struggle In order to ensure the nature of the party newspaper The party newspaper must be placed Under the absolute leadership of the party's leadership agency 2. Oppose the principle of false reality Lu Zouyi made a famous slogan Combine the respect for facts and the revolutionary position Although on the paper Lu Dingyi also emphasized that the news must be completely true However, this fact Must be under the leadership of the revolutionary position So Lu Dingyi and others Two kinds of truthful views One is the so-called essence of truth And the fact that it represents the direction of historical development Although it is still in a state of mute Or not yet But in essence It is true On the contrary False reality only reflects the appearance and image of things And does not reflect the essence of things So it must be untrue If you think it is a new fact Exaggerate the individual phenomenon into the overall phenomenon And add to the report Then it will inevitably violate Objectivism and liberalism And the truth of the proletariat And objectivism and liberalism Are completely opposite 3. The speed of news must be based on the interests of the party When the news is self-proclaimed Of course, there is still a difference between party members and the masses. Even ordinary party members The organization will also give them more information than ordinary people. This is mainly reflected by reading the party's reading In fact, Mao Zedong and Wang Ming In a short time between April 10 and later The People's Daily forgot the principle of opposing falsehood After the meeting, Mao quickly disassociated himself from Zhou Enlai and had a close relationship with Deng Fa In October 1935, when the Central Red Army arrived in Shanbei in October 1935, when the Central Red Army arrived in Shanbei Mao demoted Deng Fa to the Minister of Food of the Northwest Office of the Soviet Government In June 1936, he reported to the Communist International as an excuse and sent Deng Fa to Moscow In September 1937, after Deng Fa returned from the Soviet Union Mao Zedong did not allow Deng Fa to return to Yan'an and let Deng Fa stay in Dihua Deng Fa was appointed as the Deputy Secretary of the Central Committee Deng Fa's aspiration to quit Moscow's original abandonment school has received little notice Deng Fa's aspiration to quit Moscow's original abandonment school has received little notice The the Central Party School programme has made remarkable changes In spite of that, the chief employees of the Central Party School particularly the students from the higher institutions need to learn the periods of both Economic?history?'s゚!? Economic?history''s゚!? and beyond?'S? and beyond?´s? and beyond?s? Deng Fa's two official programs compilation have been instrumental in ways other Muslim sources have yet to revise These courses will certainly give those professors who stay and study abroad a chance to make a name for themselves. Mao Zedong's other indescribable anger is that Deng Fa pays enough attention to Mao's writing. Mao believes that his own writing is not much respected by red professors. Although the Central Party School also organizes students to learn to discuss Mao's papers, in Mao's eyes, these are mostly tough situations. What is particularly infuriating and intolerable is that even if Mao Zedong likes him, he has no choice but to be taught by those so-called professors who are proficient in Russian and are familiar with the situation in the Soviet Union. So in Mao Zedong's eyes, the Central Party School is nothing more than a fortress ruled by an uneducated and uneducated cultist. Mao Zedong did not pay much attention to the Central Party School. Compared to the army, the Central Party School is a weight that only accounts for a small percentage of Mao's political criticism. For Mao Zedong, who believes in the power of gunpowder, mastering and firmly controlling the army is the starting point for his consideration of all problems. With the army, he can create a party, which is the most typical reflection of Mao's tendency to be gunpowder-oriented in the relationship between the army and the party. Therefore, after 1935, Mao intends to let the internationalists continue to control the Communist Party of China. As a political compensation for the other party to give up military leadership. But as Mao Zedong's power continues to be strengthened and consolidated, Mao is no longer satisfied with just leading the Communist army. Mao has now basically controlled the party and is working hard to transform the party with his own will. It was at this time that the Central Party School, which Mao Zedong previously valued, became extremely important. Now Mao not only has time but also has the energy to consult the Central Party School's teaching methods. Of course, what Mao Zedong cares about is not just the education reform of the Central Party School. The reason why he has a strong interest in the Central Party School is also based on another reality. According to the original decision of the CPC Central Committee, the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in Yan'an in 1940. The 7th Congress of the Communist Party of China, which was elected by the Party Organization of the State Region, came to Yan'an one after another. But Mao Zedong did not want to hold the 7th Congress without absolute victory. He forced the Central Political Bureau to accept his own decision to postpone the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of China. But Mao did not want to put these representatives back in place. Therefore, he had to use this rare opportunity to conduct a thorough investigation and clearance of the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of China. It was Mao Zedong's most eloquent reason to ask the 7th Congress to stay in Yan'an to arrange the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of China to enter the Central Party School for study. And the Central Party School is the best place to place these cadres. In this situation, the Central Party School's responsibility is not insignificant. On the one hand, the Central Party School must carry out its own reforms. On the other hand, it was entrusted with a special task. Obviously, Deng Fa would not be willing to take on such a major mission. Whether it was Deng Fa's attitude towards Mao, or the relationship between Deng Fa and Wang Ming and other international factions, Mao was not at ease with Deng Fa. But Deng Fa was a member of the Central Political Bureau after all. Mao did not have a sufficient reason to dismiss Deng Fa's position as principal. So Mao Zedong once again used his usual method of killing people to continue to retain Deng Fa's position as principal. But he asked Peng Zhen to be the head of the Central Party School for study, so that Peng Zhen could have full control of the Central Party School, and Deng Fa could be removed from office. In the first half of 1941, Mao Zedong transferred Peng Zhen, who was the secretary of the Communist Party Bureau, back to Yan'an from Hubei. In December of the same year, Mao Zedong carried out the first reform of the Central Party School. Deng Fa continued to retain his position as principal, but he also set up a Central Party School Five-Person Management Committee in the CPC Central Committee to distribute Deng Fa's leadership powers. In addition to Deng Fa, two of Mao Zedong's important assistants, Peng Zhen and Lu Dingyi, and Wang Heshou of the Central Organization Department, are also listed as members of the Central Party School. Less than three months after the first reform of the Central Party School, the whole movement took place in Yan'an. At the same time, about 300 to 400 people from Yan'an's high-ranking officials were concentrated in the Central Party School. In order to implement Mao Zedong's reform plan, on February 28, 1942, the Central Political Bureau issued a new decision on the party-school organization and education policy and announced the second reform of the Central Party School. This time, Mao Zedong personally appointed Peng Zhen, who was far behind Deng Fa, as the highest person in charge of the reform movement of the Central Party School. Mao Zedong once again made a bottom-up plan to further distribute the leadership of the Central Party School, and announced that the party school would be directly led by the Central Secretary's Office. Mao Zedong was in charge of the political guidance of the Central Party School, and Ren Bishi was in charge of the organizational guidance. Deng Fa, Peng Zhen, and Lin Biao were in charge of the daily work, and the party-school management committee was established in December 1941. After the reform, Deng Fa continued to serve as the principal of the party school, but his authority had been taken away, and he was only responsible for hosting education meetings. Peng Zhen was appointed to host a large-scale political education meeting, and he was appointed to the chief editor-in-chief of Lu Dingyi to direct the whole issue of learning. After the second reform, Deng Fa, who had been devoted to the work of the party school, had become a principal of the Central Party School. From the existing information, Deng Fa did not resist Mao Zedong at all, and he calmly accepted this humiliating arrangement. Not only that, Deng Fa also expressed general support for Mao Zedong's whole-window plan in public. However, he was still completely excluded from the core of the whole-window leadership led by Peng Zhen. The education meeting he was in charge of was also canceled due to all the courses that the CPC Central Committee ordered the Central Party School to abolish. In fact, Deng Fa, who was a whistleblower of the Central Party School, a member of the Political Bureau of Deng's brother, and a principal of the Central Party School, was in a state of nothing to do at the party school. Deng Fa, in addition to asking about the vegetable production of the party school and the expansion of pig pens, etc., only had to turn the focus of his work to the Central Workers' Movement Committee in Yan'an. In March 1943, Deng Fa's term as principal of the Central Party School was officially over. Deng Fa was dismissed from his position as principal of the Central Party School and sent to the sub-unit of the Central Organization Committee, which was headed by Liu Shaoqi. Mao Zedong, a secretary of the Civil Aviation Work Committee, personally took over as the principal of the Central Party School, and Peng Zhen, Lin Biao, as the vice principal. Lin Biao knew that being chosen by Mao Zedong as the vice principal of the party school was of significant significance. Mao Zedong wanted to use Lin Biao's military status to intimidate the party organs and senior cadres of the party. However, Lin Biao did not seem to be interested in this. He certainly fully supported Mao Zedong, but he did not want to show his face, nor did he want to punish others with his own hands. Mao Zedong was magnanimous to Lin Biao. He allowed Lin Biao to only hang the title of vice principal, and did not go to the Central Party School to try it, but gave Peng Zhen the daily work of the Central Party School. Until then, the Central Party School completed its third reform. Why did Mao Zedong, who seemed to be completely in tune with the Central Party School, choose Peng Zhen as the principal of the Central Party School, and why did he let this non-Central Party member, who had not participated in the Great War, and had long been a professional revolutionary in the city who worked underground in the White Zone, and had participated in the Great War? The answer is only one. Peng Zhen is the first general of the CCP's Liu Shaoqi system. Peng Zhen used Liu Shaoqi's support to use Peng Zhen to rectify himself in the Central Party School to consolidate his supreme position in the party. Why did Peng Zhen work day and night in the Central Party School to implement Mao Zedong's reform? The answer is only one. Liu Shaoqi, Peng Zhen wants to use Mao Zedong's strength to use the rare opportunity to host the Central Party School's reform movement to rectify his political enemies in the party, and lay the foundation for Liu Shaoqi as the representative of the right path in the White Zone. The answer is that Peng Zhen was appointed by Mao Zedong as the leader of the Central Party School, and Peng Zhen is at the bottom of all of Mao Zedong's authority in the Central Party School. After Peng Zhen was transferred to the Central Party School, he immediately pushed the principal aside, holding all the important rights of the party school in his hands, and taking a series of measures to fully implement Mao Zedong's whole intention, causing fundamental changes to the courtesy and style of the Central Party School. In order to meet the needs of the Central Party School as a large-scale cadre in the education center, Peng Zhen's class-by-class policy of the Central Party School led to the institutionalization and bureaucratization of the Central Party School. The Central Party School originally had the custom of class division according to the level of the cadres enrolled, but in 1942, due to the shorter education system, the political treatment of the senior class and the junior class students was not very obvious, and the school's management institutions were also more sophisticated. But as the seven representatives of the Communist Party of China came to Yan'an to participate, the cadres of the high and middle levels of the school gradually entered the Central Party School, and the management institutions could no longer adapt to the new situation. Senior cadres studying at the party school have two identities, on the one hand, they are students who receive education and review, and on the other hand, they are cadres in charge of one party or one department. How to make these cadres be able to receive review, and not too much influence on their emotions, this became an urgent problem to solve. In order to solve the contradictions between the two, Peng Zhen developed two systems. First, the standardization and systematization of the class division at the cadres' level. In the Central Party School, there are seven representatives of the cadres of the cadres above, the cadres of the cadres below, the cadres of the cadres above, the cadres of the cadres below, and the cadres of the cadres above, so that the criticism and self-criticism between the cadres is limited to the same level of cadres. Second, in the Central Party School, the policy of emphasizing senior cadres, as stipulated by the Central Committee, the cadres above the cadres of the cadres below and the cadres above the cadres above, the wife is willing to follow her husband to study at the Central Party School. The cadres above the cadres of the cadres below and the cadres above the cadres above are exempted from the qualification review procedure of their families. At the same time, the senior cadres of the cadres below are allowed to use the cadres of the cadres above at their own level. In addition to the two systems above, the Central Party School has also set up new management institutions, from the school headquarters, to the organizational education department, to the secretary's office, and to the education cadres. After this transformation, the organization of the party school expanded rapidly. From early 1944 to the peak of the party school in 1945, there were more than 6,000 people in the school, half of whom were teaching staff. With the expansion of the organization, the orientation of the cadres has increased dramatically. The relative equality between the students and the cadres has also increased dramatically. After the leadership of Peng Zhen, the second major change of the party school is to completely abolish the tradition of the party school system to teach the basic knowledge of Marxism-Leninism. Instead, it is based on the theories of Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi and Kangsheng, as well as Stalin's work and the Communist Party history, which have been selected, and the modern revolution of China and the world. This plan also made clear regulations on the study time of the central party school students, and extended the study time from half a year to a year to two years. However, on February 28, 1942, when the Central Political Bureau made a new decision on the party school organization and education policy, Mao Zedong simply announced that from that day on, the central party school would stop locking courses in the past to serve the political goals of Mao Zedong. When Mao Zedong wanted to attack Zhang Wentian, he repeatedly criticized Yan'an's cadres' education system for being cumbersome and wasteful. And when Mao Zedong wanted to use the party school to achieve his own utilitarianism, he insisted on concentrating a large number of cadres in the party school for a long time without washing their heads and never giving up. The internationalists' suspicion and attack also led to the criticism of this kind of head-on criticism and the calculation of cadres themselves. As a result, the students were locked in the party school for three to four years without rest and without rest. Under Mao Zedong's general plan, the central party school has completely become a big stage for political struggle. The third change that took place after Peng Zhen was the close cooperation of the Central Organization Department to make the central party school the largest cadres' review center in the CPC for two to three years. The review acceptance of the cadres of the military and political schools founded by the party was first established in the early 1942. On March 31, 1937, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee made the wrong decision about Comrade Zhang Guotao. Before that, a group of senior cadres of the Red Quartet were sent to Kang University to study. Xu Shiyou, Wang Jian'an and other well-known cadres were all placed in the school to be exposed and counted as Nationalist. Xu Shiyou, Wang Jian'an and other red-quartet cadres who had been discussed in Kang University returned to Eryuan or Chuanshan to fight guerrillas, but were reported by people. For this, Xu Shiyou and others were sentenced by Dong Biwu as the chairman of the Judiciary Committee and by Xu Shiyou and senior cadres of the Red Quartet who had studied in Kang University. In this way, the history of Kang University as a review and acceptance center of cadres has come to an end. The CPC Central Committee entered the Central Party School to do political intelligence work, but not since 1942. However, before the whole movement, the cadres of the training class organized by the CPC Central Committee were secretly sent to Zhongshan Library as spies of the CPC Central Committee. The spies lurking in various departments of the CPC Central Committee must report on the underground reconnaissance activities of the CPC Central Committee on a regular basis. The relationship between the CPC Central Committee and the CPC Central Organization Department is completely public. The cadres of the CPC Central Committee must report on the political conditions of the CPC Central Committee and report on the unification review of the CPC Central Organization Department. The cadres of the CPC Central Committee must review the political conditions of the CPC Central Organization Department before they can enter the party school, and the cadres must also be assigned by the CPC Central Organization Department after they graduate from the CPC Central Party School. In 1942, the CPC Central Society Department led by Kang Sheng officially entered the CPC Central Party School as a high-level reform center. The admission conditions were very strict. The cadres of the CPC Central Organization Department must be approved by the CPC Central Organization Department before they can enter the school. After the CPC Central Organization Department approved the admission of the cadres, they had to undergo political review of the CPC Central Party School again. During the school period, the cadres must not be allowed to leave the school without special conditions. Therefore, in addition to some senior cadres who are closely related to Mao Zedong and some junior cadres, the cadres who enter the CPC Central Party School also include two types of people. One type is a cadre with a significant political history, but a cadre with a different level of internationalism or experience, while the other type is a cadre with a suspicious political history. The CPC Central Organization Department asked senior cadres with a promising future to study in Yan'an. Because the cadres of the CPC Central Organization Department entered the school in different ways, the CPC Central Organization Department made special arrangements on the issue of cadres. In the CPC Central Organization Department, there are classes that are classified according to the level of cadres, and the cadres of the cadres are classified according to the individual level of cadres. In the CPC Central Organization Department, the cadres are classified as first-class cadres who have gone to the Central Institute of Studies together. The CPC Central Organization Department has a large number of cadres from the National Union Region and young intellectuals. Both of the top two departments are key units of the CPC Central Social Department's deep activity at the party campus Under the leadership of Peng Zhen, the Central Party School and the whole leadership team used the strength of the security forces and the organization to break the superstition of the internationalists and the experientialists in the school, and to praise and obey Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi. From the spring of 1942, the Central Party School was full of strong and strong air. By 1945, the name of the school had also been changed to the CCP Central Party School Mao Zedong. On May 14th and 16th, 1942, the People's Liberation Daily published a series of articles by Peng Zhen, which explained the spirit of the 22 articles and how to learn the 22 articles. The article gave a detailed explanation of Mao Zedong's whole intention, emphasizing that every communist should solve the problems of positions, views, and methods, and use them to reflect on their work, reflect on their thoughts, and reflect on their entire history. Peng Zhen especially asked the students of the school to repeatedly read the articles of Liu Shaoqi collected in the 22 articles to strengthen the students' understanding of Liu Shaoqi. Peng Zhen maintained a close relationship with Mao Zedong during his time as the main leader of the Central Party School. In July 1942, when the Central Party School's learning phase was over, the four topics set by the Central Party School for the cadres' exam were determined by the police after Mao Zedong modified them himself. Peng Zhen reported to Mao Zedong in time about the arguments and details of the party school movement, as well as some of the tricks and tricks, such as Mao Zedong often went to Peng Zhen's office in the party school to learn about the situation and meet the cadres of the party school. Peng Zhen's loyalty and high efficiency in his work earned him the title of Mao Zedong. In contrast, Zhang Dingcheng and Jiang Hua's enemy cadres were also in the Central Party School, but Zhang Dingcheng only served as the deputy director of the party school, while Jiang Hua only served as an ordinary student. Mao Zedong's confidence in Peng Zhen was greatly boosted. In October 1943, the party school turned to the problem of route learning in the haste to save the high tide. Peng Zhen, a historical veteran, first criticized the Shunzhi Provincial Party Committee in 1928 and the Communist Party of China in 1935. The famous scholar Gao Wenhua actually put Mao Zedong as Zhou Enlai, who represented the Central Political Bureau to deal with the Shunzhi Provincial Party Committee problem at the end of 1928. And Huang Zhidi represented Liu Shaoqi as the representative of the right route in the white area. No doubt, the establishment of Liu Shaoqi is the establishment of Peng Zhen himself. Since Liu Shaoqi is the embodiment of the right route, Peng Zhen, as Liu Shaoqi's deputy at that time, naturally also had a love of the right route. In this way, Peng Zhen prepared a sufficient legal basis for himself to enter the highest core level of the CCP. The reform movement of the Central Party School provided the best opportunity for Peng Zhen to strengthen his position in the CCP. In July 1943, Liu Shaoqi, Peng Zhen's old subordinate Xia Anziwen, was transferred to the party school and served as the deputy director of the second department as the deputy head of Zhang Dingcheng. But Anziwen was actually Peng Zhen's most powerful assistant. Peng Zhen and Anziwen carefully observed in the party school and carefully identified cadres who were loyal to the right route. In 1944, Chen Yunxie went to the position of minister of the Central Organization Department, which he had been in for seven years. Peng Zhen immediately filled the vacancy and was promoted to minister of the Central Organization Department. With the support and approval of Mao Zedong, Peng Zhen and Anziwen used the opportunity to prepare for the seven major CCP events to assign a group of Liu Shaoqi to serve as the secretary of the Northern Bureau, or to be arranged to serve as a member of the Central Committee and a deputy member, or to serve as the leader of the key departments of the Party, Government, and Army. Therefore, Liu Shaoqi's system has become one of the biggest peaks in the Chinese Communist Party. During the Yan'an Revolutionary Movement, the school's bureaucratic, mechanized management system, the aversion to counter-intellectualism and the use of political security forces to carry out ideological strife and organization reform, have all formed an important component of the new Maoist tradition. The reform experience of the Central Party School was not only gradually promoted in all branches of the party school, but also became a basic form of fighting within the party. After 1949, its basic spirit was further developed and improved, and after various amendments and additions, it became a CCP-owned institution. The traditional method of continuing the political movement of the literary department and the senior colleges and universities has been in effect for 70 years. The bureaucratic, mechanized school management system established by the Central Party School during the Yan'an Revolution is still the basis of today's senior colleges and universities' management system to a certain extent. From 1942 to 1945, it was a critical period in the history of the CCP's great turmoil and great reform. Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, and Teng Zhen supported each other and worked together to turn the Central Party School upside down. Mao Zedong and Teng Zhen used the method of reforming the Central Party School. In fact, there is not much difference between Stalin's use of the so-called right-wing opportunists, such as Moscow Red University, to reform Bukharin, between 1929 and 1930. What is different is that Stalin spent less than two years cleaning at Moscow Red University, and Mao spent three and a half years in the Central Party School. The Central Party School has become a real storm.