037: Antigonid Macedon - Gonatas & the Macedonian Anarchy

Hi there, you're listening to the Hellenistic Age Podcast, episode 37, Antiquated Macedon, Gnatis, and the Macedonian Anarchy. It's rather ironic that the conquest of the Persian Empire by the Macedonian king, Alexander the Great, ultimately led to nothing but chaos for his homeland. The Argeat house that had dominated the Macedonian throne for centuries would become extinct only 15 years after Alexander's death, while Macedon herself would be thrown into civil wars and invasions by would-be kings and aggressive barbarians for almost 40. The dynasty that would ultimately take control of the region would be the Antigonids, founded by Antigonus I, but not truly confirmed until his grandson, Antigonus II Gnatis, who finally established a degree of control of Macedon in the early 3rd century BC. Though in control of the ancestral heartland of Macedon and the Greek peninsula, and family members were nowhere near as prone to committing acts of parasite as the other dynasties, the Antigonids were the first of the Hellenistic kingdoms to fall thanks to its proximity to the expanding Roman Republic, and were just not on the same power level as the neighboring Seleucids or Ptolemies. But for almost a hundred years they remained formidable opponents, and the court of Pella was a center of intellectual patronage, especially under the likes of Antigonus Gnatis, ensuring that Macedon would at least continue as a prosperous and respected kingdom during the Hellenistic period. In this episode, we'll be focusing on the early career of Antigonus Gnatis, along with a revisit with Antigonus the One-Eyed and Demetrius Polyarchides. Just for clarification, I'm not going to cover well-trodden ground, as I have already spent a great deal of time talking about the affairs of Antigonus the One-Eyed and Demetrius Polyarchides in many episodes. Hell, they were virtually the protagonists in episodes 16-18, and were major characters in my episodes on Seleucus I and Ptolemy I of Ter, so if I plan to cover certain events, there is an emphasis on the connection with Gnatis. Born in the year 319 in the Greek region of Thessaly, Antigonus Gnatis found himself in tumultuous times. His mother was Phila, a daughter of the former standing regent of Macedon, Antipater, and his father was a young man named Demetrius, the soon-to-be Demetrius I Polyarchides. We don't know the origins of the nickname Gnatis or what it exactly means. It could be in reference to the area of Genoi in Thessaly, it could be an affectionate nickname but either way, it is uncharacteristically casual compared to the epithets of other Hellenistic kings like Theos, Nicator, or Soter. Demetrius' father and Gnatis' grandfather was Antigonus Monophthalmos, who was, at this point, the most powerful man in the quickly disintegrating empire of Alexander the Great. Antigonus and Demetrius would in time prove to be some of the most talented and ambitious commanders of their day, as coalition after coalition would be formed from 316 to 301 BC to prevent them from reuniting Alexander's empire under their collective banner, and both were declared kings in their own right in 306. Where Gnatis was during this time period is pretty challenging to track, given the lack of our sources, but from what can be interpreted from the surviving accounts is that, unlike his father, Gnatis appears to have been raised away from the military camps for almost the entirety of his childhood and into his early adulthood. He spent a large amount of time with his mother, probably staying at the court of Antigonus in Asia Minor at some point before he returned to Greece to receive an education at Athens, which had become something of a hotspot for the wealthy elite to send their children. This stay at Athens marks the beginning of Antigonus Gnatis' historical reputation as a learned and philosophical ruler, and though the extent of the relationships he had had with famous philosophers such as the Stoic Zeno might be overdrawn a bit, it nevertheless is a theme in our sources and one we will continue to discuss more about in time. In 301 BC, likely when Gnatis was still in Athens, his grandfather and father were defeated at the decisive battle of Ipsus, the former killed in combat while the latter fled with about 9,000 soldiers, effectively ending any real possibility of the empire being reunited and seriously weakening Antigonid power. An interesting point of note is how Gnatis was not present at Ipsus with his kin. Being 18 years of age would normally not deter him from taking the field. After all, he was roughly the same age as Pyrrhus of Epirus and Antiochus I, both of whom participated in the battle, and Demetrius Polyarchetes himself fought in combat at 17 years of age. There isn't much to speculate on in terms of the motives behind either Phila or Demetrius in not having their son take part in the fighting. But for the rest of his career, Gnatis, while not averse to battle and a somewhat competent commander, was just not of the same mold as Antigonus or Demetrius, neither in terms of talent nor in terms of warlike spirit. Interestingly, he also appears to not have inherited his father's famously handsome features either and was considered rather unattractive and had a snub nose. Poor guy. The defeat of the Antigonids at Ipsus put an end to Gnatis' study in Athens, partially because Demetrius had incited resentment among certain groups in Athens and they probably didn't want to be held responsible for keeping the son of one of the most hunted men in the world within their city gates. Antigonus was either kicked out or left on his own initiative before the city became too dangerous. It is from there he very likely joined his father, who had fled with a small army to Corinth, one of the few loyal cities remaining in the Greek mainland. The other powers who carved up the former Antigonid Empire had already begun to turn on each other and the questions of security had prompted several of them to engage in marriage alliances. As a testament to the level of power he still wielded, Demetrius was part of this process, having his daughter Stratonike initially be wed to Seleucus I in 298, before she was passed to Seleucus' son Antiochus. Another daughter of Ptolemy named Ptolemaeus was betrothed to Demetrius in 295 and together they would have a child known as Demetrius the Fair, who we will talk much more about in later episodes regarding Ptolemy III and Antigonus Doson, but to prevent you all from being confused, I have included the family tree for the Antigonid dynasty on my website and in the show notes for this episode, so please check it out. The early years of the 290s were spent reasserting Antigonid control over their former Aegean strongholds in Southern Asia Minor and especially Greece, as King Cassander of Macedon had taken advantage of the distraction at Ipsus and pushed further south in the peninsula. Athens suffered a particularly nasty bout of turmoil thanks to a pro-Antipatrid tyrant named Lycares, and a subsequent siege by Demetrius lasting from 295 to 294 led to the recapture of the city by the Antigonids. We can only assume that Antigonus was tagging along with his father during this time, learning the art of war and how to rule as a king, albeit a king without a throne to call his own. However, his status as a renegade changed because of the troubles that Macedon faced with the ruling Antipatrid dynasty. The death of Cassander I and his eldest son, Philip, in 297 had caused the kingdom to be split between his two remaining sons, Antipater and Alexander, who would be under the care of their mother, Thessalonicae. Antipater eventually murdered his mother, and Macedon was thrown into a civil war once again. In 295, Demetrius was called in by Alexander to help drive out Antipater, but was rebuffed when a better offer of assistance came from our good friend Pyrrhus of Epirus. Probably fully aware of Demetrius' desire to claim Macedon for his own, Alexander tried to have him killed, but the plot was uncovered, and Alexander was assassinated in turn by Demetrius' bodyguards. The Antigonids, for the first time in almost 20 years of monumental effort, had finally found themselves on the throne of Macedon, ironically without any sort of great expeditionary force or grand master plan. The father-son pair would once again be separated, Demetrius preferring to campaign outside of Macedon while Antigonus himself returned to Athens. We have little information on this arrangement, but there is evidence that Antigonus was pushing policies on the Athenian magistracies and trying to curry favor with the leading members, with moderate success. Demetrius' wars in Greece had earned the ire of his Macedonian and Greek subjects alike, and especially when father and son were faced with the new kid on the block, Pyrrhus of Epirus. Pyrrhus was a former retainer in the Antigonid camp, but had been shipped off to Egypt at the court of Ptolemy I by Demetrius to serve as a political hostage shortly after the Battle of Ipsus. Pyrrhus had returned with the backing of Ptolemaic wealth to reclaim his kingdom, and proved to be a worthy successor to the likes of Alexander the Great in terms of bravery and tactical prowess. Pyrrhus had sought to create an empire outside of the boundaries of Epirus, and frequently undermined Antigonid interest in order to do just that, especially after the marriage alliance between Pyrrhus' sister and Demetrius crumbled with her death, and Demetrius subsequently seduced Pyrrhus' wife Lanassa with a better offer. The two clashed intermittently, Antigonus remaining largely out of the picture during this time. But during this period, around 293 BC, thieves would revolt, and force both father and son to be present for a siege operation to retake the city. For the first time, Antigonus would hold independent power after word of an incursion by Pyrrhus drew Demetrius away from the siege, and the capture of Thebes would be left to Antigonus as his father would deal with the Epirots, but Demetrius would quickly return to oversee the final stage. It's remarkable that despite the ruthlessness, hot-headedness, and ambitions of men like Antigonus Monophthalmos and Demetrius Palaiarchetes, it must be said that for a royal family in the ancient world, they managed to remain a strong unified front for four generations of fathers and sons. After all the murders, executions, and plots in the families of the Ptolemies, Seleucids, and Lysimachus, it's quite refreshing, and even a bit touching to see such cordial relations from Antigonus I to Demetrius II. According to Plutarch, Gennatus directly challenged his father's authority during the siege of Thebes as Demetrius threw man after man at the defenses of the Boeotians with little gains to be made. Antigonus appealed on behalf of the soldiers, protesting against the waste of human life, while Demetrius snapped back, quote, Why do you trouble yourself about that? Do you have to find rations for the dead? But the elder Antigonid seemed to take heed of his son's pleas for mercy when Thebes was finally captured, executing only about thirteen ringleaders and leaving the rest of the Boeotians untouched, especially lenient when you consider that Demetrius himself nearly died in the siege due to a catapult wound in his neck. What makes this anecdote even stranger is that since for the entirety of Antigonus' life, both father and son were almost complete strangers to one another, the former being constantly at war in either the Aegean, Levant, or Mesopotamia, and the latter staying with his mother or Athenian tutors. But there seems to be no indication that Demetrius ever considered Gennatus anything but his successor, and for Demetrius to place that much trust in Antigonus says a lot about the nature of the Antigonid family compared to the rest of the Hellenistic world. Sorry for this tangent, I just think it's such a unique dynamic that isn't often seen on the show. By the early 280s, it appears that the ambition of Demetrius couldn't be sated with just the Macedonian kingship. It is during this time he had begun to gather a vast army and fleet to plan a great invasion of Asia, attempting to accomplish what he and his father had failed at Ipsus a decade prior. Antigonus was not meant to join on this expedition, and instead was responsible for handling the affairs in Greece while his father was gone, something that was probably for the best given the eventual outcome of the expedition. This prompted another alliance between the other successor kings, who did not want to deal with another Antigonid invasion alone, so the powers Lysimachus and Pyrrhus were coordinated in a two-pronged invasion force in Macedon while Demetrius was out of the country in 287 BC. The army of Demetrius revolted, and the Macedonians at home declared that the Antigonids were no longer welcome as kings, while Gannatus' mother Phila is said to have committed suicide out of fear. Despite the horrific turn of events, this did not seem to deter Demetrius from invading Asia, and he pushed forward, gathering troops from across Greece and even besieging Athens in the meantime, who had refused to side with him. Antigonus would be in charge of the rest of the Antigonid strongholds, and even managed to fend off Pyrrhus' plundering of Thessaly, while Demetrius embarked on his ill-fated conquest of Asia, which ultimately led him to a blundering defeat while in Seleucid territory. King Seleucus, deciding not to execute Demetrius despite protestations by Lysimachus, had offered him a position in his court as an extremely well-treated prisoner. This was accepted by the beleaguered Demetrius, who then promptly sent Antigonus his royal seal, declaring him the new king of any Antigonid realm, which at this point was very small. Demetrius would linger on in his velvet prison at the Seleucid court, drinking himself to death by 283-282. Meanwhile, Antigonus would take a bit of a backseat in regards to the major political developments in the Greek and Macedonian heartland, though Pyrrhus would certainly try to change that by attacking Antigonid holdings in Greece. The struggle for the now-vacant Macedonian throne would be between Lysimachus of Thrace, Pyrrhus of Epirus, and Seleucus I. Pyrrhus would eventually excuse himself to Italy to deal with some unknown Italian barbarians in 283-282, and the final battle of the successors of Alexander would take place at Choropedium in 281, as Lysimachus was killed in action fighting Seleucus for control of Macedon. Unfortunately, Seleucus did not have long to enjoy his victory, as only a few months later he would be assassinated by the exiled Ptolemy Karinus, who sped off towards Macedon to be declared king. Gennatus sought to take the opportunity to try and dislodge Karinus, believing that the situation was too unstable for the Ptolemaic renegade to properly establish his claim. But his eagerness got the better of him, and Gennatus was soundly beaten and routed in a naval engagement with Ptolemy's forces. In late 280, early 279 BC, Macedon would be rocked by an invasion of Celtic warbands, attracted to the instability and plunder of the Greek peninsula and Asia Minor. King Ptolemy Karinus had attempted to meet the Celts head on with the royal Macedonian army, but was unceremoniously defeated and had his head turned to a personal trophy of the war chief Brennus. This is a story we have encountered many times in the show, but we really haven't focused on the immediate aftermath of Karinus' death and the subsequent power vacuum that affected Macedon. The Celts did not attempt to seize the initiative, and were content with plundering the countryside of Macedon and hauling off their booty, and the Macedonian assembly had to scramble fast to get the political situation back in order. The first king was Meliager, a half-brother of Ptolemy Karinus who tried taking the throne back, but was quickly removed. Then there was Antipater Anticeus, a son of the former Antipatric king Philip. Much like his father, Antipater's reign was comically short at a mere 45 days, and his nickname, Atesius, is in reference to the Atesian winds that blow in Greece for about 2-3 months, meaning his reign was just about as long as the season. He was quickly ousted by the army as being too inept of a commander, and fled to Egypt, just as a man named Thosthenes appears in our narrative. We know very little about him beyond his appearance in the Epitome of Justin, who says that he was a nobleman that led the mutiny against Antipater Atesius, and was essentially given the powers of the king, but does note that Thosthenes deliberately tried to avoid the title, preferring oaths to be sworn under him indicating that he was a general rather than a monarch. Thosthenes' rule managed to present a solid front against Brennus and the Celts, who decided to take their show on the road south into Greece, and eventually into Asia Minor. But less than 2 years later, Thosthenes would die due to natural causes, once again leaving the throne of Macedon for the taking. In the interim of the Celts and Thosthenes' reign, several efforts were made to claim the throne of Macedon by different parties. Another was Ptolemy Epigonus, the only surviving son of King Lysimachus and Arsinoe II of Egypt. This young man believed that he had a claim over Macedon since Lysimachus had directly ruled it for about 5 years, and likely wanted to use the connections his father built up in Thrace and the Phosphorus. Unfortunately for him, nobody seemed to care, and he was sent packing back to Egypt, where he would eventually be killed for trying to proclaim himself king again. The other was Antigonus Ganatus, who never quite saw himself as anything but the Macedonian king since his father had been taken into Seleucid captivity, and is said to have directly clashed with Thosthenes at least once, but was defeated and forced to retreat. As luck would have it, a remnant of the Celtic warband that unsuccessfully tried to sack the Temple of Delphi, numbering around 15,000 troops and 3,000 cavalry, had crossed Antigonus' path near the city of Lysimachia in Thrace in 277 BC. The Celts sent ambassadors to the Antigonid camp, under the pretense of extortion, ordering that Ganatus pay them tribute and provide them spies to help plan their invasion of Macedon, lest they decide to take action and add Antigonus' head to their collection along with that of Ptolemy Karinus'. Now, Antigonus was never a brilliant tactical commander, as can be seen with the many defeats he faced over the years up to this point, but he was very clever and knew how to bide his time properly. According to the story relayed by Justin, the ambassadors were invited to a feast, and Antigonus made sure that his finest treasures were fully on display, that the Celts would be shown the bounty of his stores of food and drink, along with opulent possessions like elephants and warships. The ambassadors returned to their camp, eagerly describing the plunder and curiously few defenses that protected the Antigonid force. In the dark of night, the Gallic band streamed into the camp in a frenzy, but much to their surprise it seemed like it was completely devoid of any soldiers, but was completely packed with the treasure like the ambassadors claimed. While it did seem a little suspicious, the Gauls simply shrugged and began to gorge themselves on food and treasure. As they began to leave the camp laden with booty, the army of Antigonus Ganatus, conveniently hiding out in a nearby forest in the cover of darkness, had emerged and charged the would-be plunderers, slaughtering the lot of them as they tried, in vain, to flee. The crushing defeat of the Celtic warriors would prove to be one of the turning points of Antigonus' career. It would serve as a major propaganda boost to the legitimacy of Antigonus' claims as king. Coins bearing the image of Ganatus with the horns of the god Pan and the reverse with a war trophy are likely associated with this victory in particular, and inscriptions in Greece associate him with being a hero, considering that they too had faced the wrath of the Celtic onslaught. Though, now he truly had a kingdom to call his own, won by a successful military venture, Antigonus could not rest on his laurels just yet. Over the seas, an old enemy was returning that could spell the end of the Antigonid The declaration of Ganatus as king of Macedon in 277 was an affair long in the making. One of the first acknowledgments of his status as king proper would be from the Seleucid king Antiochus I. A marriage alliance between the now 40-year-old Ganatus and the likely 18-year-old half-sister-step-sister of Antiochus named Phila was arranged. Never mind that Phila was Antigonus' direct niece by way of his full-blooded sister Stratonice, Ganatus would notably refuse to marry anyone else besides her, in stark contrast to his very polygamous father, though he had previously fathered an illegitimate son named Halkionius with the Athenian Hetaira Demo, so he didn't completely lack his forebear's libido. The Seleucids and Antigonids had previous grievances against one another, such as Demetrius Polyarchetes' capture and demise in Seleucid captivity, and the minor war between Antigonus and Antiochus during the latter's attempts to re-establish control over Asia Minor. But from this point on, Antigonid-Seleucid relations would remain very friendly for almost 50 years, no doubt both parties wanted to counter the growing power of the Egyptian king, Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Though he may have had the official recognition, this does not mean that Antigonus was in the clear to take the throne. The city of Cassandrea, founded by Cassander I on the former site of Potidaea in the Chalcidice, had been operating as a virtually independent entity for quite a number of years. Rich and powerful, it previously had been home to Ptolemy Charonis' mother and the former wife of Ptolemy I Sotera Eurydice. In 278, a comically evil man named Apollodorus had rose up and declared himself tyrant over the city, allegedly inaugurating his coup with the ritual sacrifice and cannibalism of a young boy among his fellow conspirators. Initially, he was considered quite popular among the urban poor vis-a-vis the gifting of money and goods. Obviously, they didn't know about the whole murder-cannibalism incident, but Apollodorus' facade quickly melted away as he armed Celtic mercenaries and turned them into his personal bodyguard and mobile torture unit, extracting every last drachmae from both the wealthy and the poor through threats and acts of outlandish violence. This may seem far-fetched, like someone had a grudge against Apollodorus, but his reputation for villainy was so well-known by multiple authors that he became a black standard in measuring a tyrant's cruelty. This seems like a justified reason to invade, but apparently Apollodorus had allied with the Spartans, and the wealth and ideal position of the city was just icing on the cake as to why Gennatus needed to take it. For ten months, from 277 to 276 BC, Cassandrea held in a brutal siege, resisting Antigonus' efforts to breach the walls. Polyaenus recounts another one of Antigonus' unorthodox tactics, involving the use of an allied pirate named Aeminius, who was to act as a go-between to discuss terms of peace while the king packed up his siege equipment in a faint effort to retreat. When the tyrant and his Celtic troops were probably drunk with gifts of wine and food, the Macedonians secretly brought out siege ladders to scale the now carelessly undermanned walls, and the city was taken with little effort. No word on what happened to Apollodorus, but we can reasonably assume he did not survive the change in management. An interim of two years had allowed King Antigonus Gennatus to consolidate his newly secured Macedonian interests, and also spend quality time with his newly secured wife, Phila, who would soon give birth to a son named Demetrius in 275 BC, later known as Demetrius II Aetolicus. Unfortunately, Antigonus couldn't be left well enough alone in his rule of Macedon, because who else decides to show up but Pyrrhus of Epirus? Pyrrhus' misadventures in Italy and Sicily had done nothing to deter him from seeking a kingdom beyond the borders of Epirus, and once again he sought to push towards the Macedonian throne. In 274, western Macedon was invaded by Pyrrhus as a way to plunder and collect enough money to build up a new army. At one point, Pyrrhus managed to corner Antigonus in a narrow pass, and overwhelmed a much larger Macedonian force. This defeat had damaged Gennatus' reputation among the Macedonian military men, who considered Pyrrhus a more valiant and military-minded warrior than their more reserved king, and a number of them actually went over to Pyrrhus' side. This might have been the end for Antigonid rule over Macedon, but one major error that would alienate many of the Macedonians under Pyrrhus' kingship. Among the Pyrrhus' ranks were a group of Celts. While not itself a major faux pas, as Antigonus himself used Gallic mercenaries who fought bravely for the former Macedonian king, but they had been running amok in search of treasure to steal. Even more foolishly, Pyrrhus seemed to passively accept the plundering of the royal tombs of Agai at modern Vergina by those same Celts, desecrating the memory of the Argeid family and bringing flashbacks to the major defeats by the likes of Brennus some eight years earlier. Antigonus had fled Macedon in the wake of his defeat, and had returned to his military bases in the Peloponnese, once again forced to abandon his throne in the eyes of his subjects, leading the rather cynical Bion of Borysthenes to call him a coward, while Pyrrhus remained a grave robber. But Antigonus' retreat compelled Pyrrhus to strike by way of an invasion of Sparta in 272, egged on by his scurrilous advisor Cleonimus, a disgraced member of the Agiaid royal line, seeking to get back into Sparta. The invasion would have been a short affair, after which Pyrrhus could finally turn his attention to snuffing up the last of the Antigonid line. But besieging Sparta proved to be anything but easy, as the entire populace including women and children had rallied to her defense. Antigonus, in the meanwhile, bid his time, somehow reclaiming his title in Macedon during Pyrrhus' campaign in Sparta, and proceeded with an army to deal with the interloping Epirote king. Pyrrhus was eventually forced to abandon his siege, and headed to the city of Argos where both he and Antigonus were called to arbitrate a dispute, only to find that Gennatus had come prepared by sieging the advantageous ground. Plutarch recounts a wonderful little nugget that reveals each king's style of rule and personality by having the warlike Pyrrhus confront Antigonus and demand a trial by combat to determine the right to rule Macedon. Gennatus refused, claiming, quote, "...Generalship is a matter not of force of arms, but of timing, and if you were weary of life, you can find many ways to die," end quote. This standoff on their front step had understandably made several of the Argive citizens anxious, no longer wanting to be caught in the middle of a dynastic feud, and they begged both parties to make a peace and be on their way. Antigonus agreed, and even volunteered to leave his bastard son Halcyonius as a guarantee of his word, though it is very likely he could have been a way to have a loyal representative in the city in case Pyrrhus reneged on his word, which he soon did. Pyrrhus attempted to take Argos in a night time attack that resulted in street fighting between the Argives and the Pyrrhic army, and the incorrigible Epirote would unceremoniously be nailed in the temple by a roof tile hurled by an old woman in defense of her son, rendered unconscious and summarily beheaded by a local soldier. Halcyonius took the head of Pyrrhus and threw it at the feet of Antigonus Gennatus, who recognized it immediately and was angered by his son's lack of respect for the dead. Gathering the head and the body, he gave Pyrrhus a magnificent funeral and cremation worthy of a king, all the while weeping, dwelling upon the fates and fortunes of his grandfather Antigonus Monophthalmos and his father Demetrius Polyarchetes, that Pyrrhus reminded him of so much. The death of Pyrrhus would mark the end of any true challenge to Antigonus Gennatus' claim as king of Macedon. While other threats would inevitably arise, mostly notably the conflicts and rebellions that would emerge in resistance to Antigonid rule in Greece, no other challenger to the Macedonian throne would emerge as had plagued the first thirty years of civil war had rocked the kingdom. A measure of peace and prosperity would return as Gennatus proved himself to be an able and fair administrator, ensuring that only the Antigonid dynasty would rule for the next 100 years. However, the question of Greece's willingness to submit to the Macedonian yoke had yet to be answered, and was a perennial issue for the Antigonid dynasty up to this point, and will continue to be a major bone of contention. This is where we will leave our narrative, and in the next episode, we will look at the short life of Antigonus Gennatus, his many interactions with poets and philosophers, and ultimately conclude his reign with the coverage of the Cermanidian War and the rise of Eratus of Sycheion. I hope everyone had a great holiday season and a happy New Year's. It's good to be back to our original program, and since we are once again delving to a dynasty, I encourage you to check out my website at www.hellenisticagepodcast.wordpress.com, or the show notes linked in the podcast description to find the family tree for the Antigonids, along with my sources used for this episode. If you are interested in supporting the show, consider donating on my Ko-fi page, or by leaving a review on the platform of your choice. And if you have any comments, criticism, or just want to drop a line, feel free to email me at hellenisticagepodcast at gmail dot com, or by hitting me up on any of the social media accounts that I run, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. All of these links will be provided in the show notes, so until next time, you've been listening to The Hellenistic Age Podcast.