THE OVERTHROWN MING EMPEROR - JIANWEN DOCUMENTARY

Ancient China
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Argued intentions enough to sustain an empire, the reign of the Jianwen Emperor could have
been a golden age for the Ming Dynasty and its people, but his rule would be violently
cut short by his own uncle.
This is the story of Zhu Yunwen, the Emperor of Established Civility.
December 5th, 1377.
Nearly ten years after its founding, the fresh Ming Dynasty is in full bloom.
Its founder, the Hongwu Emperor, has yet to conquer Yunnan province and strengthen the
borders.
In the forbidden city of Nanjing, Crown Prince Zhu Biao receives good news.
His second son is born.
No one yet knows that this child will one day succeed his grandfather, Hongwu.
Zhu Yunwen, as he was named, was born to Lady Lu, daughter of Lu Ben, a prominent minister
of the early Ming Dynasty.
His elder brother, Zhu Xiongying, however died at the age of seven in June 1382, making
four-year-old Zhu Yunwen the Crown Prince's primary heir.
Much like his father, he proved to be of gentle nature and of studious character, soon showing
strong adherence to the Confucian principles of benevolence and moral conduct he was educated in.
The boy's life took a dramatic turn in the spring of 1392.
On the 17th of May, his father died at 36 years old, plunging the Ming Dynasty into
crisis.
Since his birth, Hongwu had meticulously prepared Zhu Biao for state leadership.
Rather than appointing another of his sons who had been raised as military men, the emperor
named the 14-year-old Zhu Yunwen as Crown Prince.
Hongwu initially placed top-ranking generals into the teenager's staff, including famous
commander Lan Yu.
However, the ruthless Hongwu soon had them all executed, perhaps out of fear that the
gentle Zhu Yunwen lacked the strength to keep them in check in the years ahead.
With the empire's future at stake, the dynasty's heir could not remain celibate.
In 1395, he was married to Lady Ma, daughter of a prominent official, to whom on November
30th of the following year, his first son, Zhu Wengui, was born.
Only these significant events are known about Zhu Yunwen's early years.
Perhaps more was once detailed, but his biography was severely tampered with by the very man
who would later overthrow him, his uncle.
The Crown Prince had many.
Hongwu had created a system for his vast male progeniture, the Princes of the Blood, who
controlled fiefdoms and armies numbering up to 15,000 men.
They were to be military pillars for the dynasty, entrusted to protect the throne and mainly
the frontier regions, especially against the Mongols of the Northern Yuan.
The appointment of teenage Zhu Yunwen, rather than one of their own, had likely created
great frustration within the princes.
Following the deaths of Zhu Shuang, the Emperor's second son in 1395, and Zhu Gang, third son
three years later, the seniority among them befell Zhu Di, fourth son, based in Beiping.
He was followed by about two dozen princes, ten of whom were even younger than Zhu Yunwen.
The Hongwu Emperor, after three decades of rule over his empire, died on the 24th of
June 1398.
Zhu Yunwen's time as Crown Prince ended within a week.
At the age of 20, he ascended the throne of the Ming Dynasty.
Imperial power was stronger than ever, as Hongwu had greatly centralised authority and
meticulously purged any potential threats to the throne.
The new Emperor intended to use it for benevolence.
In a stark contrast to his grandfather's reign, his policies would be anything but
vastly martial.
He adopted the era name of Jianwen, established civility.
But the Jianwen Emperor, far from having Hongwu's unshakable confidence and lacking any practical
experience, knew he could not rule alone.
He therefore surrounded himself with a triumvirate of like-minded officials, placing Neo-Confucianist
values at the heart of their policies.
These were Qi Tai, a graduate of the 1388 Imperial Examination.
Appreciated by the late Hongwu Emperor, he had served in various prominent positions.
Huang Zicheng, who had graduated in 1385, had also held prestigious positions, even
being appointed as a tutor for Zhu Yunwen.
The third member had a more tragic backstory.
Fang Xiaoru had seen his father perish in one of Hongwu's infamous purges.
Having emerged before the Imperial examinations were durably established, Fang had risen through
different means.
A talented youth, he was mentored by the esteemed scholar Song Lian, eventually catching Hongwu's
attention.
He further found support in Zhu Chun, the Prince of Shu, a more scholarly-driven son
of Hongwu.
Fang Xiaoru's reputation as a Neo-Confucian activist steadily grew, and when Jianwen ascended
the throne, he was summoned to the court, entering the Imperial inner circle.
These three scholars, adamant Neo-Confucian ideologues, would become the Emperor's closest
advisors.
It was time to reform the dynasty.
Wasting no time, Jianwen began to redistribute the executive authority that Hongwu had centralised.
Empowered to enact policies, Qi Tai, Huang Zichang and Fang Xiaoru effectively became
chancellors in all but name.
Major changes in governance were to come.
In a powerful symbol, the highest civilian officials were elevated to the same rank as
the top military officers, a difference that had been implemented by Hongwu.
To promote Confucian ideals and cultivate intellectual talent, the Imperial court significantly
expanded the Guo Zai Jian, or Imperial University, and the Hanlian Academy, which hosted the
elite literati.
Some of them were recruited to advise Imperial princes in their fiefs, essentially to gain
influence over them.
In parallel, the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Revenue were downsized to accommodate
the changes, but some saw these reforms as a violation of Hongwu's legacy.
Jianwen would now turn his attention to the law.
Hongwu's extremely harsh legal policies, exemplified by the grand pronouncements, were
immensely softened.
Rather than outright redacting them, the court rendered their verdicts unforceable, to avoid
directly violating Hongwu's ancestral injunctions.
Many captives, including political prisoners who had been imprisoned for decades, were
released.
Finally, tax inequality would be theoretically revoked.
Some regions which had supported Hongwu's enemies during the latter's conquests suffered
exuberant punitive taxes.
Jianwen would work to put an end to such practices.
However, the extent to which all these reforms was effectively carried out is limited.
After a single year of rule, the Imperial government would be in deep turmoil.
The state that Hongwu left to his descendants was, on paper, perfectly balanced.
The Emperor ruled the Empire, while the hereditary Princes of the Blood provided military support
in campaigns, defended the borders, and protected the Emperor.
However, despite being entrusted with powerful garrisons, the princes did not have total
autonomy over their force, and held no executive power.
To further avoid any meddling with the court, they were strictly confined to their fiefs.
However, if so-called evil officials manipulated the Empire, the princes were expected to assemble
their forces, await the Emperor's signal, and march on Nanjing to restore Imperial order,
before swiftly returning to their fiefs.
But the theoretical balance of power was not to the taste of Jianwen's inner circle.
Qi Tai, and particularly Huang Zicheng, advocated for the policy of Xuefan,
essentially reducing the power of the princes.
To illustrate the possible threat, Huang cited the Rebellion of the Seventh States, where
semi-autonomous princes had risen up and nearly overthrown the Western Han Dynasty.
Initially uncertain whether to gradually diminish his uncle's influence, or abolish it outright,
Jianwen ultimately chose the latter.
Soon after his accession, he began purges within the Imperial Princes of the Blood.
Zhu Su, Prince of Zhou, the fifth son of Hongwu, based in Kaifeng, was the first to fall.
Accused of plotting, he was arrested as early as August 1398, and stripped to the status
of commoner.
First exiled to Yunnan, he was later placed under surveillance in Nanjing.
Hongwu's thirteenth son, Zhu Gui, Prince of Dai, established in Datong, fell in February 1399.
For having reportedly violated Imperial regulations, he was likewise reduced to the status of commoner,
and placed under house arrest.
Next came Hongwu's twelfth son, Zhu Bai, Prince of Xiang, based in Jinzhou.
Rather than face the Imperial wrath, the prince burned his own palaces down, and took his
own life and that of his family in June.
A few days later came the downfall of seventh son Zhu Fu, Prince of Qi, in theft in Qingzhou.
Summoned to the capital on June 7th, the prince was charged with a variety of crimes, stripped
of his titles, and placed under house arrest in Nanjing.
Finally, eighteenth son Zhu Qian, Prince of Min, in Kunming, followed in July.
Facing a similar accusation, he was placed under house arrest in his fief.
After a single year of reign, five particularly powerful uncles of the young emperor had been
neutralised.
It was now time to tackle the eldest, Zhu Di, Prince of Yan, in Beiping.
The ambitious Zhu Di was by far the most powerful of the princes, and harboured ambitions of
his own.
With five younger brothers stripped of their power, he realised it was only a matter of
time before he faced a similar fate.
Taking the initiative, Zhu Di had slowly strengthened his position, secretly allying with eunuchs
within the imperial court.
Eunuchs, historically important figures in imperial politics and palace affairs, had
been barred by Hongwu from any political influence.
Disavowed, they found support in Zhu Di, who in exchange gained spite in the court.
He also enlarged his military power by incorporating surrendered Mongol cavalry into his guard.
But the Prince of Yan was officially blameless.
After all, three of his sons were held hostage in Nanjing, ensuring his subordination.
Requesting their return, the prince claimed grave illness, then that he was losing his
mind.
Jianwen, possibly pitied or attempting to deceive Zhu Di into thinking he was not a
target, conceded to release the prince's sons in June 1399.
This decision would ultimately cost the emperor his life.
The civil war which Hongwu had made immense sacrifices to prevent was about to break out.
In late July, two minor officials of Zhu Di's retinue were accused of sedition by a battalion
commander of the prince's guard.
For this charge, they were brought to Nanjing and executed.
Sensing the trap closing in on him, the prince waited no longer.
On August 5th, Zhu Di seized direct control of Beiping and executed the court-appointed
officials administering the city.
He then promptly invaded neighbouring counties, incorporating local garrisons into his force.
Zhu Di's rebellion under the name of Fangtian Jingnan, or pacifying the troubles by order
of heaven, better known as the Jingnan Campaign, was officially justified as an effort to defend
Hongwu's legacy rather than for personal gain.
In Nanjing, the event was not yet seen as a terrifying threat.
The imperial court commanded an army of 300,000 men and theoretically power over the whole
empire, while the prince mustered a force less than a third of that size and only controlled
Beiping and its vicinity.
Jianwen dispatched 65-year-old General Gong Bingwen from the few remaining commanders
left after Hongwu's purges to crush the rebellion.
The emperor, seemingly unworried, shifted his focus back to civilian matters.
General Gong, establishing his headquarters in Zhending, proved to be severely unprepared.
His 130,000 men were decisively beaten in late September, allowing Zhu Di to absorb
both men and territory, although the rebel prince failed to take Zhending itself.
Gong was promptly replaced by General Li Jinglong, the son of Hongwu's nephew Li Wenzhong.
In mid-October, Zhu Di departed from Beiping to bolster his forces by capturing Daning,
the fief of his brother Zhu Quan, Prince of Ning.
Li thus seized the opportunity and besieged his capital on November 12th.
However, the city held firm until the return of the prince, who defeated the imperial forces.
It became clear that Zhu Di would not be so easily crushed.
Communication between him and the court had not completely broken down.
On December 6th, he sent a letter to Nanjing, openly condemning Qi Tai and Huang Zicheng.
Likely aiming to keep diplomatic channels open, the emperor officially removed them,
although he would continue to rely on their advice in private.
The gesture would not be enough to stop hostilities.
As the year 1400 broke, Zhu Di marched into Shaanxi, capturing a couple of towns in mid-January
before besieging the city of Datong.
Li Jinglong promptly assembled a rescue force, but by the time it arrived in March,
Zhu Di had already returned to Beiping and further gained influence over his northern border.
Meanwhile, Jianwen continued his Confucian-driven reforms,
reducing taxes in the provinces of Nanzhenli and Zhejiang,
but events in the front brought his attention back to military matters.
In May, General Li prepared a major pincer attack on Zhu Di's forces by the Baigou River,
but the offensive was foiled by flooding and bad weather.
Both sides clashed in the field four days later, but having lost the element of surprise,
Li Jinglong suffered immense casualties and withdrew to Dezhou by the end of the month.
But the imperial side had another asset, General Ping An leading the imperial cavalry.
Zhu Di, initially threatened by the elite mounted troops,
was reinforced in time by his second son, Zhu Gaoxu.
Secured, the rebel prince launched a southern offensive in June,
triumphing over Li Jinglong again and taking Dezhou.
Zhu Di then attempted to capture the capital of Shandong itself, Jinan.
For months, the defenders heroically stood firm.
Learning of an imperial relief force on the way, Zhu Di was eventually compelled to withdraw.
Over a year into the rebellion, Zhu Di had expanded his force and territory
as the imperial commanders failed to stop him.
Li Jinglong, having proven totally ineffective, was sacked.
His position as commander of the pacification force was filled by Shang Yong,
an officer who had distinguished himself so far.
For the rest of the year, the Prince of Yan,
helped by precious information leaked by eunuchs and other spies,
launched guerrilla attacks and raids on imperial targets
in southern Beidouli and western Shandong province.
But the tide of war shifted once more in early January 1301.
Shang Yong, markedly more competent than his predecessor,
was able to secure the greatest victory so far for the imperial side
after an intense battle at Dongchang.
Amidst the chaos of gunpowder explosions and fire,
Zhu Di lost many of his commanders and innumerable men.
The prince himself narrowly avoided capture by Ping An's imperial cavalry and escaped Beiping.
The forbidden city of Nanjing celebrated the news
and Jianwen officially reinstated Jitai and Huang Zichang.
But imperial enthusiasm would soon collapse.
Zhu Di, having reorganized, launched another southern offensive.
In early April, he decisively defeated Shang Yong at Jiaha,
then the reinforcing troops of Ping An a few days later.
The imperial side had lost the advantage again.
A court faction led by Zhu Chang and Li Jinglong, advocating for peace,
convinced the emperor to dismiss Huang Zichang and Jitai once more on the 17th of April.
Taking their position, they advised Jianwen into diplomatic talks which would prove unsuccessful.
Zhu Di pushed through.
Strategically, he targeted the imperial army's supply lines,
choking the headquarters at Dezhou and Zhending.
His forces raided as far south as Zhengde, capturing its surroundings.
As Zhengding was soon on the brink of collapse,
Ping An launched a raid on Beiping in late August to force the rebels to move.
Quickly responding, the latter were able to drive him away the following month.
In November, Zhu Di returned to his fief, bringing a temporary pause in hostilities.
The civil war had now dragged on for two and a half years.
While Zhu Di had been driven back and his territorial gains were limited,
his military might had grown steadily as he incorporated defeated troops into his force.
Back in Nanjing, Jianwen sought allies beyond the Great Ming Empire,
turning to the young Chosun dynasty in Korea, not yet a decade old.
King Taichung supported the imperial side and granted his neighbor powerful Korean warhorses.
This import would have little influence in the conflict.
Keeping an eye on civil matters, the Jianwen emperor improved fiscal justice.
In August, he significantly limited tax-exempt land for Buddhist and Daoist clergy in Jiangnan,
redistributing the seized property to the populace.
A transient moment of joy took the imperial household in December.
Empress Ma gave birth to Jianwen's second son, Zhu Wengui,
but the imperial court did not have time to celebrate.
The rebel prince was back on the march.
As 1402 broke out, Zhu Di embraced a new strategy.
Rather than trying to capture strongholds and expand his territory,
he would attempt a direct march on Nanjing.
The prince's forces soon captured weak points in imperial territory in western Shandong.
Although isolated, Zhu Di effectively choked the supply lines of the imperial army.
In response, the imperial courts entrusted Xu Huizu,
the son of legendary general Xu Da and Zhu Di's own brother-in-law,
with leading a counterattack in February.
But unable to stop Zhu, Xu was driven back.
Pushing south, the prince reached Xuzhou on March 3rd,
now standing less than 300 kilometers from his target.
The threats to the throne had massively escalated.
All imperial forces were recalled from the front to defend the metropolitan region.
Around April, Zhu Di bypassed Xuzhou
and defeated Ping'an's imperial cavalry sent from the city to intercept him.
However, in a relief to the court, Xu Huizu finally achieved victory near Lingbi on May 23rd,
dealing a major blow to Zhu Di's forces.
Perhaps believing the threat mitigated in the situation back under control,
Jianwen recalled Xu Huizu.
But the weakened Zhu Di suddenly received timely reinforcements
and wasted no time with a surprise attack on the city of Lingbi,
exhausted by disrupted supply lines.
Alongside the town itself, Ping'an and important imperial officers were captured.
This moment arguably marked Zhu Di's gain of the upper hand in the conflict.
The imperial court's despair would immediately worsen.
Within 10 days, Sheng Yong's forces on the Huai River collapsed.
Descending unopposed, the rebels captured Yangzhou on the 17th of June, followed by Gaoyang.
Zhu Di was now 100 kilometers away.
Having likely ceded to panic,
Jianwen desperately summoned Qi Tai and Huang Zichang back to the imperial court on the 20th.
Staunchly opposed to the peace faction,
the resolute officials advocated for a total defense of Nanjing, whatever the cost.
The prince had to be stopped on the Yangtze.
For a moment, it seemed like his offensive was finally contained,
as the naval force deployed by Sheng Yong successfully stopped his attempt
at Puzhou Kou on July 1st.
But a crucial event would doom Nanjing.
Two days later, Chen Xuan, commanding the imperial fleet, defected to the rebels' side.
Thus, Zhu Di smoothly crossed the Yangtze.
He now had an open route to Nanjing.
For the imperial side, options were running out.
On July 9th, Jianwen dispatched General Li Jinglong and Zhu Di's brother Zhuhui,
Prince of Gu, in a desperate attempt to negotiate peace.
But the rebel prince, so close to his target, had no reason to negotiate.
The imperial court would have to make its stand in Nanjing.
Unbeknownst to it, Li Jinglong and Zhuhui were about to betray the emperor.
On the 13th of July, Zhu Di's army appeared in the distance.
Although the imperial capital was arguably the most defensible city in the empire,
the enemy would effortlessly enter it.
In this critical moment, Li and Zhuhui opened wide the Jintuan gate,
allowing the rebels to flood in Nanjing.
During the next few hours, a chaotic battle engulfed the capital city,
during which the imperial palace was set on fire.
Eventually, two badly burnt bodies found in the rubble
were identified as those of Empress Ma and of the heir apparent Zhu Wengui.
Shortly after, an unrecognizable charred corpse was declared to be that of the emperor himself.
The Jianwen era was over.
Four days later, Zhu Di ascended the throne as the Yongle Emperor.
The three bodies were discreetly buried shortly after with minimal rites.
Jianwen's surviving child, the not-yet-one-year-old Zhu Wengui,
was imprisoned alongside other members of the immediate imperial family.
He would spend his entire life under house arrest,
only to be freed in 1457 at the age of 56, shortly before dying.
History would be cruel to Jianwen's legacy.
In order to justify his rebellion, Zhu Di would direct propaganda,
painting him as an ineffectual and disinterested ruler.
Zhu Yunwen would be excluded from imperial ancestral worship.
The Jianwen era was even revoked entirely,
thus artificially extended Hongwu's by four years.
It would take nearly two centuries before the Wanli Emperor eventually restored his name in 1595.
A rumor soon spread that Jianwen had in fact managed to escape
and lived the rest of his life as an anonymous Buddhist monk.
The story gradually grew into a popular folk tale.
The idea of a benevolent ruler narrowly surviving his deposement against all odds
may have offered hope to those facing hardships under an authoritarian empire.
Incredibly, an elderly Buddhist monk from Yunnan province, about 90 years old,
appeared in 1440 before authorities in Guangxi province,
claiming to be the long-lost Jianwen Emperor.
He was sent to the imperial court in Beijing,
where, under interrogation, he confessed to being an imposter.
Imprisoned, he died four months later.
Yet, the legend of Jianwen's secret survival as a monk persisted.
Jianwen seemed to have genuinely tried to turn the Ming dynasty
from an authoritarian state to a benevolent regime.
However, lack of practical experience, indecision,
and a few critical blunders led to his abrupt downfall in only four years.
His uncle, now firmly on the throne, promptly reinstated autocratic rule.
Yet, under the Yongle Emperor's iron grip,
the Ming dynasty would reach the height of its power.
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