羅馬共和國的最後一場戰爭！【K&G動畫歷史檔案館】

幾十年後的探索戰爭、政治行動和宣傳 奧地利和安東尼之間的衝突終於在31世紀的阿克提姆發生了 然而在戰鬥最重要的古代戰爭中 這兩名敵人和敵人必須為他們的前輩作出正義的行動 因此兩旁發生了一場政治戰爭 一場冷戰,幾十年之前的決定性戰爭 在本集中,我們將談論五年期間 安東尼和奧地利人在宣傳和侮辱的運動中奮鬥 36世紀末時,奧地利人看見他的位置建立在 從塞斯多斯蓬佩獲得了希臘 並回到亞歷山德里亞來重組 兩人都意識到,由於雷帕德斯的解釋 直接對抗是無可避免的,並開始重新建立他們的位置 在西部,奧地利人推出了一系列的運動 在35世紀對抗班農人的亞迪亞特海岸 克西斯·迪奧,這個區域的最終主席 描述為領導全人類最可憐的存在 但也描述為我們擁有的所有人類最勇敢的人 這次運動的詳細內容相當微妙 並似乎很快就結束了 奧地利人成功地取得了西斯基亞的城市 並讓一名隸屬Geminus來管理該區域 一年後,奧地利人和雷帕德斯將在達拉瑪迪亞 推出相似快速但成功的運動 雖然這次對抗的資訊不大 但最重要的細節是在這兩場運動中 奧地利人和雷帕德斯在海洋和土地上進行了一個運動 給予他們的軍隊和海軍重要的經驗 將會在未來幾年來顯得無價 同時,在東方 安特尼將他的計劃在行動中 報復自己對抗阿特巴斯基亞王 他早就在阿特巴特尼的運動中放棄了他 在接下來的幾年 安特尼做了許多嘗試 把阿特巴斯基亞王趕出他的王國 並帶到亞利桑德里亞 但阿特巴斯基亞王是一個謹慎的人 並拒絕了邀請 最後,在34世紀 經歷了許多盜竊、派出所和其他方式 安特尼能夠讓阿特巴斯基亞王與他見面 當他做了 安特尼立即將他拘捕和囚禁 並將他所有的16個軍隊移民到亞利桑德里亞 這次運動的細節再次模糊 阿特巴斯基亞王的兒子 似乎有了一些抵抗 但似乎沒有發生過大規模的戰爭 反而,安特尼在亞利桑德里亞的行動 似乎更像是一場襲擊 意圖提醒本地人關於歐洲的尊嚴 以及抗爭的成本 而不是一場獲勝的戰爭 與這些軍事行動相同 安特尼和奧塔維恩 都在政治上進行行動 奧塔維恩以不知所措的方式 對安特尼和克里歐帕特拉 在這方面的重要人物 並且經常在時間領域的討論中 被淘汰的一個人 是奧塔維恩的姐姐奧塔維亞 奧塔維亞在她的事業中 在40世紀時,奧塔維亞和安特尼結婚 並且成為了兩位奧塔維亞之間的關鍵之一 並且在37世紀時 協商了協議和承諾的共同支持 更何況,奧塔維亞在羅馬社會中 被稱為妻子和母親的霸王 在35世紀,在奧塔維亞在奧塔維亞的 奧塔維亞和安特尼的禮物 的後來,奧塔維亞向東走 據某些資料,奧塔維亞曾承諾給安特尼 相反的,安特尼與奧塔維亞在俄羅斯 相遇時,安特尼給奧塔維亞寫了一封信 告訴奧塔維亞要留在亞特蘭斯 他親自前往亞特蘭斯 奧塔維亞和他的盟友爭相 爭論說,這顯然顯示了安特尼的承諾 與外國王妃,而不是最理想的羅馬妻子 在34世紀的秋天,在亞特蘭斯 安特尼展現了一種勝利 以標誌他的成功在亞美尼亞 駕駛在馬路上的馬車 並在他的行程中搗亂亞美尼亞王 最後,根據資料 安特尼與奧塔維亞坐在 優雅的東方椅子上 安特尼穿著東方服飾 像迪奈西斯和埃西斯 在此時,安特尼 似乎獲得了他著名的贈品 在一大群人面前 安特尼迫不及待地認出 塞沙利亞人作為 基督教王子 並稱呼他為王王 而奧塔維亞被稱為王后 並獻給了埃及和塞普拉斯的土地 此外,安特尼和奧塔維亞的子女 也獻給了他們的土地 安特尼獲得了亞美尼亞 塞羅裏亞和帕西亞 塞羅裏亞和塞羅裏亞 最後,塞羅裏亞和塞羅裏亞 塞羅裏亞和塞羅裏亞 安特尼似乎到此地步 派出所到羅馬 重複宣誓 並得到他們的批准 雖然當時的總統 蓋亞斯索西亞斯和 阿哈努巴布斯 雙方是安特尼的友人 但安特尼拒絕讓宣誓 被讀,因為他知道 對奧塔維亞的沮喪 是多麼嚴重的 這些贈品至今仍然是 歷史學家之間的一些討論題材 我們必須記住 這段期間存活著的 來源大多是 奧塔維亞的敵人 有部分來自奧塔維亞的 自己的記載 以此展示奧塔維亞想展示的 有些人,如哈夫曼 爭論安特尼擁有 他的複雜複雜的角色 既是一個羅馬人 又是一個希臘皇帝 也許是在描述 他後來對東方的視野 在這個解釋中 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但會將他們放在 該地區的更具象徵性的領袖 而存在的客戶王子 會保持權力 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但會將他們放在 該地區的更具象徵性的領袖 而存在的客戶王子 會保持權力 而存在的客戶王子 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但會將他們放在 該地區的更具象徵性的領袖 不可置信的安特尼 在在帕爾西亞的敗亡後 會做出如此明顯的 糟糕的和不受審議的動作 在安特尼不想直接 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 在安特尼不想直接 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但他仍然對著名的 反蒙古人和其他 聯邦的皇帝 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但他仍然對著名的 反蒙古人和其他 聯邦的皇帝 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 在安特尼不想直接 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但他仍然對著名的 安特尼並沒有承諾 把土地交給雅畔雅或她的子女 但他仍然對著名的 反蒙古人和其他 關於這些事件的消息 真假的 極快被雅畔雅或她的子女 抵制了 安特尼被聖經 和他的服裝 和行為 這是一件 雅畔雅畔雅畔雅或她的子女 專注於 穿著和頭髮的服裝 這些話題 當時被用在 雅畔雅畔雅畔雅畔雅畔的 責任去處理 他的事件在他的不在 包括與安特尼的客戶交易 多人對她的弟弟的口袋 在城市的安特尼的支援結構 確實 雅畔雅畔雅畔雅畔 的政治運動 歷史家巴里斯特拉斯 對她的做法 比任何軍事領導人都要感謝 但其他安特尼的代理人 比這些人還要少 例如卡爾維西斯 還在傳播安特尼的謠言 他給了雅畔雅畔雅畔 數百萬本書 他在與外國王子交易時 他曾經在接受課堂的中間 看到雅畔雅畔雅畔經過 並不停留下來聽説話 令人驚訝地 給了雅畔雅畔雅畔 的商討 為何他們會背叛安特尼 也不清楚 機會或貶免 或雅畔雅畔的和安特尼的情況 只是個可能性 無論如何 他們都帶來了有用於 奧塔維斯的人的資訊 最重要的 是安特尼的願望 他們有說 奧塔維斯決定了 得到願望 himself and ordered his men to seize it from the Vestal Virgins where it had been stored, a grossly blasphemous act. Octavian must have known how sacrilegious this would be, but considered this a price worth paying for the information. Gathering the Senate together, Octavian read the will aloud, in which Antony had supposedly reaffirmed the legitimacy of Caesarean, promised yet more land to Cleopatra and her children, and worst of all, requested to be buried in Alexandria rather than Rome. Once again, it is hard not to think that Octavian fabricated many of the details. Antony's will was very likely entrusted to the Vestal Virgins, but it is incredibly unlikely that he had committed to writing such politically damaging ideas if he ever actually had them. As Aeschylus has written before though, in war, truth is the first casualty. It did not matter if the contents were true or not, what mattered was that they were believed. To many, the will seemed to legitimize many of the worst accusations made against Antony and Cleopatra, namely that Antony intended to rule Rome as a Hellenic-style monarch, with Cleopatra at his side. It was a significant blow to Antony's reputation, and it was enough for Octavian to weaponize the Senate against him. Declaring that Antony's actions were all the result of Cleopatra, Octavian had the Senate declare war against Cleopatra. This was an important detail. By declaring war on Cleopatra, Octavian could avoid calling it another civil war, he could portray himself as a Roman fighting a threatening foreign power, and he forced Antony into a position where he would need to actively align himself with Cleopatra and against Rome. As Octavian knew he would, Antony announced his support for Cleopatra and was subsequently labeled a traitor and stripped of all his powers and authority, leaving Octavian as the only man with full, legitimate triumphal powers. While many Senators sided with Octavian, a good many, including the two consuls for the year, Ahenobarbus and Sosius, viewed Octavian as a tyrant and threw their lot in with Antony, fleeing to his side. The last war of the Roman Republic had begun. While the propaganda war had been raging, Antony and Cleopatra had moved to Ephesus near the end of 33BC, where they began mustering their forces. Pulling together all their resources in the east, they had put together a colossal force of 500 warships, 300 supply ships, and 120,000 soldiers. The navy was mostly triremes and quinqueremes, also called threes and fives, respectively, but they also had a few heavier ships, ranging from sixes to tens. These ships, thanks to their large size, were somewhat ineffective in naval battles, and were instead designed to smash the defences of fortified harbours, such as those at Brundisium and Tarentum. Though no source confirms it directly, the inclusion of these kinds of ships, as well as the size of the army, strongly implies what Antony and Cleopatra had planned – a full-scale invasion of Italy. With this kind of force, such a feat was certainly possible, but would be a huge logistical challenge. After all, alongside the 120,000 soldiers, their navy would have consisted of a further 200,000 men. The key to their success would be maintaining a strong supply line from Egypt to their front lines in Greece, and then on to Italy. Already, though, some cracks were starting to emerge. Ahenobarbus and Sosius both implored Antony to send Cleopatra back to Egypt. Both were respected men, and Ahenobarbus in particular had proved himself as a talented admiral, having commanded fleets in the Adriatic for the liberators against the Triumvirate decades earlier. Both men considered the reputational damage of Cleopatra to be too much, especially if they were to invade Italy. It would all seem to confirm Octavian's propaganda if the invading force landed with a foreign queen at their head. Nevertheless, Antony had a good reason for keeping Cleopatra with him. She was providing the vast majority of the funding for the campaign, as well as 60 of the warships, all of which Antony desperately needed to keep on hand. Moreover, sending Cleopatra away may have potentially alienated other allied monarchs. Cleopatra also had her own reasons for wanting to stay. Not only that she had already invested heavily into the expedition, but there was always the threat that Octavian could offer to repair the marriage of Octavia and Antony, leaving her isolated. In the end, Cleopatra, with the help of some well-placed bribes to other officers close to Antony, was able to convince him of her usefulness, and the force sailed for Greece in the late summer of 32 BC. Their army and navy were large and well-supplied, and they had far more funds than Octavian did, all of which tipped the scales in their favor. However, rather than invading Italy immediately, Antony delayed. This was a rather uncharacteristically cautious move, and perhaps reflects that either the force was not completely organized yet, or that Antony was trying to avoid his previous mistake of rushing the invasion of Atropatene before winter. Either way, he decided to bide his time, stationing garrisons along the supply lines in key places like Corcyra, Luccus, and Muthoni, while the majority of the fleet put in at the Gulf of Ambracchia, and Antony and Cleopatra themselves made for Patrae, where they planned to spend the winter months. It would prove to be a costly decision.