The Taiwan Strait crisis, marked by potential military conflict, threatens global trade and economic stability due to Taiwan’s critical semiconductor production and its role as a key trade route. Media and experts warn of catastrophic economic losses, potentially exceeding ten trillion dollars, surpassing the impacts of the Russia-Ukraine war and COVID-19. However, these claims may be exaggerated, as only a prolonged, large-scale war would cause such devastation—an unlikely scenario. Small-scale conflicts or no conflict are more probable, with trade routes adaptable through rerouting to mitigate risks. China’s economic constraints and reliance on Taiwan’s semiconductors, alongside U.S. interests tied to Taiwan’s industry, reduce the likelihood of war. A staged conflict could serve political purposes for both sides, allowing leaders to extend power under the guise of wartime measures.
0:00 Intro 0:07 The Looming Specter of Conflict 0:37 Catastrophic Predictions or Media Hype? 2:25 Taiwan’s Semiconductor Stronghold 3:13 The Taiwan Strait as a Global Trade Artery 5:07 Debunking the Doomsday Scenario 6:06 Adapting Trade Routes in Crisis 8:39 The Psychology of Leadership 10:17 China’s Strategic Constraints 11:39 The U.S.-Taiwan Economic Entanglement 13:12 The Possibility of a Staged Conflict
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Hi, I'm Dong Shong. Welcome to Digging
into China, where we explore China in
depths to reveal unique perspectives.
Today, we'll discuss the Taiwan Strait
crisis. There's a possibility of war or
military conflict breaking out in the
Taiwan Strait. And this issue has
recently regained attention, amplified
by media coverage. Let's explore this
topic. Naturally, if a crisis erupt in
the Taiwan Strait, both China and Taiwan
would suffer. However, from a global
economic perspective, a war here would
disrupt international trade and the
broader economy. This subject has
sparked extensive debate with the media
and experts concluding that a war in the
Taiwan Strait would exact a severe toll
on the global economy, potentially
causing its collapse. The consequences
they argue would be dire. Yet I believe
these claims are somewhat exaggerated.
While the Taiwan trade crisis is a
genuine concern, its severity is
overstated and the likelihood of a
fullscale war between China and Taiwan
remains low. Why do I hold this view?
Reading related articles can easily sway
one to believe the situation is critical
with the global economy tethering on the
edge. These pieces often estimate
astronomical economic losses from a
Taiwan trade war. For instance, one
article citing Bloomberg projects global
economic losses exceeding $10 trillion
over 10% of global GDP, surpassing the
impacts of the Russia Ukraine conflict
and the coid9 pandemic. China and its
neighbors would face significant
economic damage. An article in Taiwan's
Business Today noted that in the event
of war, capital in Taiwan would struggle
to find safe havens. From January to May
this year, foreign investors wary of
this scenario withdrew nearly 11 billion
from Taiwan's stock market. These
articles and reports share an underlying
perspective. Such a war must be avoided
as it would lead to catastrophic
economic collapse. This sounds alarming.
But what underpins their arguments?
Broadly, there are two key reasons.
First, Taiwan's production capacity,
particularly in microchips and
semiconductors, is vital. According to
Taiwan's Industrial Technology Research
Institute, by the end of 2025, Taiwan's
semiconductor production will account
for 17% of global capacity with advanced
production below 7 nanometers comprising
63% of the world's supply. If current
trends persist, by 2030, Taiwan could
dominate 80% of global semiconductor
production. Given semiconductor's
critical role in modern economies, war
related disruptions to Taiwan's capacity
could in theory deliver a crippling blow
to the global economy. Second, the
Taiwan Strait is a crucial trade route
integral to global supply chains. A US
Naval Institute report cited by Newsweek
states that half of the world's 5,400
container ships traverse the Taiwan
Strait. The cargo density here exceeds
that of the Cape of Good Hope and the uh
Switz Canal, underscoring the straits
immense transport value. A study by
Washington Center for Strategic and
International Studies, CSIS,
quantified the value of goods transiting
the uh the Taiwan Strait. China's
imports and exports through the strait
exceeds $1.3 trillion. Japan's surpassed
$440 billion. South Korea reached $350
billion and Taiwan's total $298
billion. These figures highlight Asian
nations heavy reliance on this trade
route with the US, Middle East,
Australia, and others also partially
dependent. The Taiwan straight role in
global trade is undeniably significant.
To summarize the prevailing view,
Taiwan's production capacity and supply
chain role are deemed critical, making a
potential war too costly for humanity.
However, while this reasoning holds some
merit, it is overly alarmist. Media and
think tanks portray the situation as
catastrophic based on the premise of a
prolonged allout war between China and
Taiwan. This is a prerequisite for their
dire predictions. If the conflict is
less intense or short-lived, it would
not fa fatally disrupt the global
economy. In other words, only a large
scale protracted war would have such
devastating effects. Yet, this scenario
is highly unlikely. I believe a
smallcale friction or no conflict at all
is far more probable between China and
Taiwan. Any potential conflict would
likely be shorter and less severe than
the Russia Ukraine war. The outcome
hinges on China's objectives. What
motivates China to provoke such a
dispute? This merits reflection.
Beyond China, the international
community's role is also significant. In
the face of a potential China Taiwan
conflict, global trade systems would
seek solutions. This issue is not
entirely intractable. Let's examine this
further. Starting with a straightforward
perspective, conflicts vary in scale,
large, medium, small, or none. We'll
exclude the no conflict scenario and
focus on small to large scale conflicts
and their impact on the Taiwan straight
trade routes. First, such impacts are
not irreparable. A practical solution is
rerouting merchant fleets to avoid
conflict zones. For example, the trade
route from Singapore to Busousan, South
Korea passes through the Taiwan Strait.
In a smallcale conflict, merchant fleets
could shift eastward, bypassing the
Taiwan Strait to complete shipments from
Singapore to South Korea. This approach
addresses military tensions provided
they remain limited and rerouting would
not significantly raise transport costs.
If a smallcale conflict escalates to a
medium-scale one, expanding beyond the
Taiwan straight to envelope Taiwan in a
military blockade, even the Long Strait
could become risky. In such cases,
routes could be adjusted further,
passing through the Philippines to avoid
Taiwan entirely on route to South Korea.
However, this detour is considerably
longer, increasing costs noticeably.
Regardless of the situation in the
Taiwan Strait, trade routes can adapt to
mitigate risks. My point is that
potential military friction in the
Taiwan's uh strait may temporarily
elevate the logistic cost, but is
unlikely to trigger a global economic
collapse or halt international trade
entirely. My analysis above covers small
and mediumcale conflicts omitting large
scale ones. A largecale conflict and
allout war akin to World War II is in my
view implausible. Even medium-scale
conflicts seem unlikely. Only smallcale
incidents carry some probability and the
absence of conflict remains a strong
possibility. Thus, I diverge from
mainstream media narrative suggesting an
imminent largecale war. I reject this
notion as it stems from analyzing
China's perspective. China's rationale
and objectives for war warrant scrutiny.
Why would they fight and what do they
seek to achieve? Moreover, what external
powers permit China to initiate
conflict? These questions are critical.
Let's first address sub uh subjective
factors. Some online views such as Xi
Jinping aim to seize Taiwan to challenge
the US and cement his legacy are
far-fetched. This idea may have held
water a decade ago, but is now
untenable. We can apply a psychological
framework the five stages of grief by
Elizabeth Kubaros which posits that
individuals facing major challenges
progress through denial, anger,
bargaining, depression and acceptance.
When Xiinping assumed power over a
decade ago, he was ambitious and
energetic. Confronting Taiwan's
challenge, he likely exhibited denial
and anger stages prone to conflict or
extreme actions. However, with China's
economy declining, diplomatic pressure
mounting and she aging, his mindset has
shifted toward depression and
acceptance. His perspective now
resembled Chongqai after retreating to
Taiwan. Chong too traversed the five
stages regarding retaking the mainland.
Starting with ambition but ending in
depression, accepting the impossibility
of his goal and ruling Taiwan as a
dictator. She is likely on a similar
trajectory. As he ages, he prioritizes
retaining tangible power over elucorary
feats like conquering Taiwan. Securing
his rule is the most pragmatic goal.
Thus, an aging she is unlikely to
genuinely pursue war with Taiwan. Even
declaring war preparedness or martial
law would likely serve to extend his
tenure as a wartime leader.
Subjectively, China's leader may faint
conflict with Taiwan to consolidate
internal control, addressing domestic
stability before external challenges.
Turning to objective factors, the Quincy
Institute for Responsible
for Responsible State Crafts June
analysis outlines the three reasons
China cannot invade Taiwan. First,
China's heavy reliance on Taiwan's
semiconductors. A large-scale war
disrupting Taiwan's semiconductor
production would severely damage China's
economy. Second, a military blockade of
the Taiwan Strict given Taiwan's pivotal
trade role in Asia would harm East and
Southeast Asian economies, alienating
China's neighbors and leading to
diplomatic isolation.
Third, China's struggling economy cannot
sustain a war, which ultimately depends
on economic and logistical capacity. A
declining economy undermines China's
ability to endure conflict. These
objective constraints make a Chinese
attack on Taiwan unlikely. From the US
perspective, America also opposes a
Chinese assault largely because Taiwan's
semiconductors have entangled US
interests. This has been Taiwan's most
astute strategy in recent decades,
forging deep economic ties with the US
through its semiconductor industry. A
CSIS report highlights close US Taiwan
semiconductor collaboration. Most US
consumer tech products depend on
Taiwan's chips and pro processes,
critical components manufactured there.
Taiwan is also the US's eighth largest
import source and the 10th largest
export market with bilateral trade
exceeding $40 billion. When the US
recognized this tax sector's dependence
on Taiwan, it was too late. The
strategic oversight, placing a vital
supplier next to a rival was unwise.
This explains why Trump once accused
Taiwan of stealing US technology and
vowed to relocate semiconductor
production. acknowledging past strategic
errors. However, the situation is
irreversible in the short term despite
US efforts such as TSMC65
billion investment in Arizona factories
and initiatives to localize
semiconductor production. Industrial
relocation is gradual. The US remains
reliant on Taiwan's semiconductors,
compelling it to military deter Chinese
aggression to safeguard its economic
interests. This is Taiwan's strongest
defense asset. Ultimately, Xiinping
lacks the desire and capacity for war,
and the US prohibits it. While Taiwan's
media threats over an imminent attack,
they recognize its unlikelihood. The
dramatic war many anticipate is
unrealistic. However, a staged conflict
is plausible. A pretend war benefits
both sides, allowing China and Taiwan to
declare war preparedness or martial law.
She could extend his rule as a wartime
leader while Taiwan's like Ching Du
could secure reelection as a wartime
president. This alignment of interests,
though absurd and ironic, reflects the
reality of Chinese politics.
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