THE PENULTIMATE YUAN EMPERORS - EL TEMÜR'S DICTATORSHIP

Spring and Autumn Period (China History
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After the war of the two capitals, the Yuan dynasty keeps declining under general El Temür's firm dictatorship and his puppet emperor Tugh Temur (Jayaatu Khan)'s reign. Bending to the Mongol laws of succession, Tugh Temur must ceede his throne to his elder brother Khoshila (Khutughtu Khan), though El Temür promptly commits regicide to reclaim power. In his short reign, puppet Tugh Temur focuses his insignificant power on cultural efforts, as the empire faces civil war, natural disasters and famine. Finally, a brief succession crises occurs after his death, and his nephew, the child emperor Rinchinbal succeeds as emperor for less than two months, paving the path for the last Yuan emperor, Toghon Temür.
1328, the declining Yuan dynasty. The descendants of Genghis Khan have reigned over China for over
50 years. However, after continuous factional struggles, succession crises and natural
disasters, the empire has fallen to great civil and governmental instability. Following a strategic
coup by the Kipchak military commander Il-Tomor, the imperial government has landed into the hands
of the ambitious general. After the costly war of the two capitals, which opposed the loyalist
faction to Il-Tomor's restorationists, the imperial throne was reclaimed from the loyalist figurehead
child emperor Eriyibag and given to Il-Tomor's puppet Tov Tamor. Subsequently, one could think
that the imperial leadership of the dynasty was finally stabilized. Nonetheless, loyalist
resistance was still strong in the provinces of Shaanxi, Sichuan and Yunnan. In addition,
puppet emperor Tov Tamor, who had reigned for less than a month, would have to abdicate. Indeed,
he was technically junior to his elder brother Khoshle, and subsequently only second in line
to the Yuan dynasty's throne. The two brothers were the sons of Khaisan, the third Yuan emperor
and the proud Mongol traditionalist. After his death, the throne had passed on to his brother
Ayurbarbar, who enforced the zealous Confucian rule of the dynasty. Subsequently, Khoshle,
a Mongol traditionalist like his father, launched an unsuccessful rebellion against his uncle in 1316
and then fled to the rival Chagatai Khanate. During the following twelve years up to 1328,
he had forged strong alliances with the Chagatai Khans, Iljikide and his brother Duwatomor,
and never gave up his imperial ambitions. Now that Il-Tomor had restored Khaisan's lineage
to the throne by installing Tov Tamor, the Yuan dynasty's imperial leadership was Khoshle's by
right. As per the Yuan's customs, Tov Tamor had to give up the throne to his elder brother,
who had superior legitimacy. This frustrated power-hungry Il-Tomor, who pulled the strings.
However, the general knew that overruling the customs of the dynasty by refusing to give Khoshle
the throne would lead to an overwhelming Chagatai-backed invasion of the Yuan.
Although the dynasty had in the past won all border conflicts with its neighbour,
in the current dire circumstances, and because the Yuan armies were already campaigning to subdue
the remaining loyalists, the nation would likely not survive such a conflict. With no choices left,
Il-Tomor reluctantly organised the abdication of his puppet, as messengers were dispatched
to Khoshle's camp in the Tarbaratai mountains, inviting him to assume the reins of the dynasty.
With great pride, Khoshle departed for the Yuan dynasty with a large retinue,
including his allies the Chagatai Khans. By the 27th of February 1329, the Mongol prince
enthroned himself in the north of Karakorum, making clear he would adhere to Mongol traditions
like his father. Khoshle would be recorded in history as Emperor Mingzong of Yuan and Khotak
Khan of the Mongolian Empire. Tov Tamor was immediately designated as the heir apparent,
in a parallel scenario to their father and uncle, Khaisan and Hayurbarbar, and a new government
was formed, essentially composed of Mongol princes from the steppe, including several
Chagatai nobles. The ambitious Il-Tomor was losing his grip on the dynasty. During the following
months, the Yuan dynasty would be focused on organising relief programmes for disaster-stricken
regions and pacifying the nation from loyalist rebels. Although costly,
the campaigns were going well. Such one was successfully subdued in May 1329.
Back in Khanbaliq, Tov Tamor, who had abdicated, prepared to personally transfer the Yuan imperial
seal to his elder brother in a symbolic gesture. For this occasion, Khaisan's sons planned to
on the 26th of August in a symbolic place, Zhongdu, the city Khaisan himself had built
to be his personal capital. As the two brothers reunited for the first time in over a decade,
a great banquet was held and the imperial seal passed from Tov Tamor to Khoshle.
Inevitably, political intrigue stroke once more. Just four days after the reunion,
the new emperor collapsed and died. He was evidently poisoned, an assassination likely
orchestrated by commander Il-Tomor, who planned to reinstate his puppets as the emperor.
Tov Tamor himself may have been involved in the assassination, though this is uncertain.
In any case, he was now the sole heir of the empire. Within a week, he returned to Zhongdu,
where he was crowned for a second time on the 8th of September. However, given that his
ascension had been the result of a coup, a civil war and a regicide, Tov Tamor's reign
would be tainted by an aura of illegitimacy. By September of 1329, only a few rebel loyalist
princes remained in Yunnan province, as Tov Tamor was firmly established as the Yuan emperor.
However, it was clear he held this title in name only. As a puppet of Il-Tomor and his loyal right
hand man, General Bayan of the Merkit tribe, the emperor had little control over state affairs.
The nominal leader was evidently less interested in politics, rather than culture anyway,
and preferred to use his imperial influence to promote the latter.
Indeed, Tov Tamor was unequivocally the most cultivated of all the Yuan emperors.
He was perfectly fluent in both Mongolian and Chinese, and possibly versed in other languages
of the empire as well. The emperor was also a thorough practitioner and patron of the arts.
Years before his ascension to the throne, he had surrounded himself with Han Chinese scholars and
artists, and assembled large collections of various works of art, developing a strong
taste for calligraphy, painting, and poetry in particular. Often engaging in all three himself,
he was considered a talented artist in these domains.
Pursuing the promotion of scholar work, the emperor founded the Kuizhangge Xueshi Yuan,
variously translated as Hall of Literature and Academy of the Pavilion of the Star of Literature.
This imperial institution was composed of the most erudite scholars of the times,
mainly Han Chinese, but with a significant portion of Mongols,
Uyghurs, and other Suo-Mu masters as well. The academy collected books, paintings,
and calligraphy scrolls, and provided education to the sons of high-ranking officials,
young members of the Koshig, or Xishigten, that is the Mongol imperial bodyguard,
and even to the emperor himself, in both Chinese classics and history.
Tov Tamor developed profound intellectual connections with many of the academy's scholars.
One of its most prominent, the painter Kejiao Si, who had once been a tutor to past emperor
Xiaibai, grew particularly close to Tov Tamor. The pair would enjoy much time together,
discussing philosophy and art, and identifying works for the collection.
Eminent scholar Yu Ji, one of the so-called four masters of Yuan poetry, also held a prominent
role within the academy. He drafted many laudatory texts celebrating Tov Tamor,
in part to strengthen his questionable legitimacy. More importantly, Yu Ji oversaw the compilation
of the Jingshi Dadian, a detailed summary of the Yuan's institutions and administration,
which would later serve as the backbone for the future Ming dynasty's compilation
of the official history of the Yuan. The extensive Jingshi Dadian would be completed
after only 13 months of work in 1331, demonstrating the productivity of the academy.
In the quest of the Han Chinese elite's approval, and possibly by personal conviction as well,
Tov Tamor would devote much to Confucianism, both in policies and rituals. He organized
sacrifices to Confucius at Qufu, the philosopher's birthplace, in 1329. The following year,
he personally conducted the Jiaozi, the offering of sacrifices to heaven and earth
in the capital's suburban area, a traditional Chinese imperial custom.
Somewhat ironically, his earlier mandatory abdication in favour of his late elder brother
was branded and celebrated as an act of filial piety, a pivotal Confucian virtue.
Furthermore, the emperor was portrayed on a commissioned Buddhist mandala depicting many
Buddhist deities, alongside his late brother, Hoxhle, and their wives, adding to his image,
that of a patron of Tibetan Buddhism. But how did this cult of personality stand
with the true masters of the dynasty, Il Tomor and his loyal Bayan of the Merkid?
Not only did the military commanders approve of them, but they were probably involved in them as
well. Indeed, they gave to their puppet Tov Tomor a sense of much needed legitimacy.
Nonetheless, the openly pro-Confucian endeavours of the emperor were strictly confined to the
academy and the imperial family. The government itself was firmly in control of Il Tomor and
Bayan's hands, who enforced a very non-Confucian dictatorship. Both accumulated prestigious and
powerful titles, as well as the direct control of elite forces. The dictators even took imperial
princesses as wives in a shocking defiance of Yuan customs. However, maintaining the
dynasty meant ensuring tight loyalty where it mattered. One of their first measures after
Hoxhle's assassination had been a complete purge of pro-Hoxhle officials, as well as overly
influent Confucian scholars, followed by the creation of a new administration composed of
dependable retainers. Many of their relatives were also granted prominent position, ensuring loyalty,
sometimes at the cost of talent. To buy the obedience of Mongol princes throughout the
nation, many prestigious titles and monetary grants were distributed, and to enforce respect
and maintain ties with the other khanates of the Mongol empire, nobles were sent as diplomats to
the Chagatai Khanate, the Golden Horde and the Il Khanate, who all returned tribute missions to the
Despite these efforts, defiance toward Hiltormur and the puppet emperor remained strong.
At least eight elaborate plots to assassinate the emperor and overthrow the government were
schemed by princes and influent officials, although all were exposed and dismantled.
Embroiled in political turmoil, financial struggles, as well as growing civil unrest,
the state was more than ever in a critical position. In many afflicted regions,
a significant part of the population held the UN authorities at best in contempt,
as the regular natural disasters that had developed during Yusun Tormur's reign were
only worsening. Massive droughts or floods frequently struck the nation, causing impoverishment and
famine. To their credit, the UN authorities were not passive, and meticulously organized
relief programs. In the year 1329, over 30% of the government's revenue was solely spent on
relief for the famines, inevitably aggravating the dynasty's financial status. Due to the relief
efforts, as well as the cost of the war of the two capitals and the subsequent campaigns to subdue
the remaining loyalists, the UN's treasury faced an overwhelming deficit. To stay afloat, public
spending had to be cut down. Grants to the Mongol princes were subsequently reduced, decreasing
their support, and imperial ceremonies and rituals were reduced in scales and numbers.
Palace maintenance was drastically diminished, as over 10,000 servants were expelled. These
measures were obviously not enough to solve the financial crisis, but the deficit was kept at a
To avoid another succession crisis, the question of the Emperor's heir had to be addressed.
Both Togh Tormur and his late brother Khoshle had sons, so who was to succeed him? Although
the option of designating Togh Tormur's nephew was relevant, Il-Tormur, the Emperor himself,
and especially his wife, the ambitious and politically driven Empress Bujjiri,
were unwilling to transfer power back to what remained of Khoshle's faction.
Instead, they sought to neutralize it once and for all.
Likely under Empress Bujjiri's instructions, Babushah, the widow of Emperor Khoshle,
was put to death in April 1330, under the pretense that she was plotting against the Emperor.
The following month, Khoshle's eldest son, the ten-year-old Togh Tormur,
was sent into exile on the remote Jeju Island, part of the vassal Goryeo dynasty of Korea.
Khoshle's second son, the four-year-old Rinjinbal, was not considered a threat
and therefore left alone. Subsequently, Khoshle's faction was definitively ousted,
and the path to the throne was cleared for the Imperial couple's eldest son,
After having been made Prince of Yen in March 1330,
the boy was officially designated as the Crown Prince in January 1331.
However, in an anticlimactic twist of fate, Aljindara died of illness only a month later.
Thus, the question of succession was still unresolved.
Though the Imperial couple did have a second son named Gunadara,
he had been put under the care of Il-Tormur and subsequently renamed Il-Togs.
The Emperor never made him Crown Prince, despite the General's requests.
By now, Togh Tormur was probably lost and anxious for a solution.
Likely seeking spiritual and political guidance,
he summoned Rangjun Dorje, the third Karmapa Lama, to the capital.
This Tibetan Buddhist scholar, who was considered a reincarnation of the second Karmapa Lama,
temporary advisor to Kublai Khan as a prince,
had acquired a great reputation for his extensive works and spiritual knowledge.
However, the sage would not reach Khanbaliq in time.
By mid-1332, 28-year-old Emperor Togh Tormur fell deeply ill.
As his condition worsened, he seemingly was filled with remorse for having allowed his
own brother's assassination and the purge of his brother's family,
whether it be by sincere guilt or fear of possible reprisal in the future.
In a surprise to all, on his deathbed, the Emperor reportedly requested
that Khoshele's sons should succeed him after all, not his own Il-Togs.
Togh Tormur then died on the 2nd of September 1332 without an officially designated heir.
Subsequently, his widow, Empress Bolshe, assumed the regency of the empire,
as per the customs of the Yuan dynasty.
Although she had been a key component in the purge of Khoshele's faction,
she was now resolved to respect her late husband's wishes
and choose a successor within the late Emperor's nephews.
Il-Tormur, fearing reprisal as the prime suspect in Khoshele's assassination,
firmly opposed the restoration of his sons.
The Kipchak commander pleaded for Il-Togs to be enthroned instead,
but Empress Bolshe was adamant on respecting Togh Tormur's wish.
Subsequently, a compromise was found.
Instead of recalling Khoshele's eldest son, the alienated and likely spiteful Toghon Tormur,
from exile, his second son, the six-year-old Rinchinbal, was selected instead.
As a young child, he could be more easily controlled as a puppet.
Togh Tormur's wish would be honoured and Khoshele's lineage respected.
Without further ado, the boy who was already in Khanbaliq
was enthroned in the capital on the 13th of October 1332.
However, his symbolic reign was cut short,
as Rinchinbal died after only 51 days on the throne on the 14th of December 1332.
Now, there were no more obstacles in 12-year-old Toghon Tormur's way to the throne.
He would be the next emperor of the Yuan Dynasty.
None of the elite, however, realised that he would be both its longest reigning monarch
and its last.
The Yuan Dynasty would collapse.
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