Brandenburg v. Ohio: Hate Speech Is Free Speech | 5-Minute Videos | PragerU

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286 Video Views·Sep 1, 2025
Is all speech protected under the First Amendment or is there a line that can’t be crossed? In 1969, the Supreme Court answered this question in the case of Brandenburg v. Ohio. Joseph Fornieri, Professor of Political Science at Rochester Institute of Technology, explains why free speech is the liberty from which all other liberties flow.
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Freedom of speech is indispensable to
every other freedom. In fact, it's the
very essence of democracy. It promotes
rational deliberation, holds public
officials accountable, and fosters a
marketplace of ideas where diverse
viewpoints can be debated and tested,
the very engine of progress. If citizens
cannot freely speak their minds, they
aren't free. As the great 19th century
abolitionist Frederick Douglas noted, no
right was deemed by the founding fathers
more sacred than the right of speech. It
was in their eyes the great moral
renovator of society and government. The
relevant clause of the first amendment
of the constitution reads, "Congress
shall make no law abridging the freedom
of speech." But just how free should
this speech be? We all recognize that
there must be limits. In the 1919 case
shank v. United States, Justice Oliver
Wendell Holmes famously declared that
you can't falsely shout fire in a
crowded theater. That could induce panic
resulting in injury or death. What about
speech that incites people to commit
violence? Does that cross the line? And
what about what we now call hate speech?
Is that protected? These aren't easy
questions. The Supreme Court has
wrestled with them for decades. The 1969
case of Brandenburgg v. Ohio is a prime
example. Few decisions have done more to
define the boundaries between speech
that is protected by the First Amendment
and speech that is not protected than
this one. Clarence Brandenburgg was the
leader of an Ohio chapter of the Ku Klux
Clan, a white supremacist group
violently opposed to civil rights. The
clan has had a long and ugly past
stretching back to the end of the Civil
War. Their white hoods and burning
crosses epitomized racism and terror. In
the summer of 1964, Brandenburgg invited
a Cincinnati reporter to film a clan
rally. The televised film captured
guntoing hooded figures burning across.
In a statement filled with racial
epithets, Brandenburgg said, "We're not
a revengeant organization, but if our
president, our Congress, our Supreme
Court continues to suppress the white
Caucasian race, it's possible that there
might have to be some revengeance
taken." Brandenburgg was obviously not a
road scholar. There are no such words as
revengeant or revengeance, but his
message was unmistakable. He further
announced a forthcoming clan march
throughout the South to begin on July
4th, America's Independence Day. On the
basis of these remarks, Brandenburgg was
convicted under an Ohio law which made
it illegal to advocate with others the
duty, necessity, or propriety of crime,
sabotage, violence, or unlawful methods
of terrorism as a means of accomplishing
political reform. Laws like this were
passed across the country in the early
20th century to ensure public safety
against anarchist and communist threats.
In the wake of the Russian Revolution of
1917, these threats seemed very real.
Such laws, however, were vague and
overly broad. They failed to draw a
clear line between protected speech and
punishable speech. For example, in the
case of the Ohio law, what did it mean
to advocate for violent political
reform?
Brandenburgg appealed to the Supreme
Court on June 9th, 1969.
The court ruled in his favor. It cited
the precedent of not v. United States
1961, which stated that mere abstract
teaching is not the same as preparing a
group for violent action. The court said
the Ohio statute failed to distinguish
between arguing for a potentially
violent idea and what the court called
incitement to imminent lawless action.
Under the first amendment, speech that
fell into the first category was
constitutionally speaking acceptable.
Speech that fell into the second
category was not because it led directly
to violence. That is imminent lawless
action. In other words, speech can only
be restricted when it leads to some
tangible, concrete, immediate harm.
Because the clan leader used the
conditional tense, some revengeance
might have to be taken, his speech fell
short of the court's new imminent
lawless action standard. While
Brandenburgg's hateful speech rightly
deserves condemnation, the court
believed that censoring that speech
would have been a greater threat to free
society. It is a characteristic of
authoritarian regimes to stifle disscent
to maintain their power. The first
amendment ensures that government
remains contentneutral.
It cannot favor or disfavor one idea,
viewpoint or message over another.
Tolerating offensive speech, even
so-called hate speech, is the mark of a
free society. The only exception is
speech that leads directly to violence.
Free speech comes with costs. People can
be offended by it, even deeply so. But
in Brandenburgg, the court recognized
that those costs were outweighed by its
benefits. The antidote to hateful speech
is more speech. That's how we preserve
this most indispensable of freedoms. I'm
Joseph Forneri, professor of political
science at the Rochester Institute of
Technology and director of the Center
for Statesmanship, Law, and Liberty for
Prager University.
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