What if Caesar Survived The Parthian Invasion 43 BC DOCUMENTARY

By the will of the gods, the assassins' hands had been stayed on the Ides of March. Caesar had lived, and could make manifest the next phase of his great conquests. In 44 BC he struck out at Dacia, waging a bloody war which carved out the new province of Moesia up to the Danube. Now, having celebrated a triumph and settled affairs at Rome, Caesar prepares for his long-awaited invasion of Parthia. This would be a prize more glorious than ever before. You can learn much more about the world in which Caesar operated through our sponsor Wondrium. Wondrium offers subscription-based on-demand videos covering a huge range of subjects from history to science, travel, art, hobbies, and more. These come delivered in a variety of packages from your more academic courses to well-produced documentaries, exclusives, and more. Their platform has long been my go-to source for background research while making my own documentaries, and I've learned a ton. Of the many series I love, The Rise of Rome, presented by Dr. Gregory Aldrich, has to be one of my favorites. Lecture 21, for instance, explores the civil wars of the late Republic, and lays an excellent groundwork for my series. My mind was blown by the sheer scope of how Caesar's death reverberated across the Roman world, and was a heavy inspiration for our series today. Right now, Wondrium is offering a free trial, which you can start by clicking the link in the description below or visiting wondrium.com. I highly recommend that you take a look at what they have to offer, and dive into the material that you are most interested in. Enjoy! It is now February of 43 BC. Just a few months earlier, Caesar had led his victorious legions across the streets of Rome in glorious triumph. However, as of late, these celebrations had given way to the banalities of political life. The pile of documents on his desk grew tall, and the line of petitioners outside his doors grew long. Political minutia consumed hours of the day and night, and those were just the ones which his clerks had deemed worthy of his time. But the great statesman was accustomed to such affairs, having routinely remained and meshed with the goings-on at Rome, even whilst on campaign. He knew that, as in war, victory often rested on the careful planning of mundane matters. In this case, for instance, we can imagine that many of his correspondences dealt with enacting the flurry of reforms, initiatives, and civil projects he had begun upon his return to Rome. These gave the people a shining example of what a Caesarian government could do, further winning them over to his cause. But more importantly, the affairs of state would be used as a tool to control the elites of the city. While outright opposition had evaporated in the wake of Caesar's glorious return, there was nonetheless veiled resistance taking place. Politicians dragged their feet, skirted obligations, and found many subtle ways to undercut the man who had still not relinquished the title of dictator. In response, Caesar used carrots and sticks to bolster his faction while neutralizing his rivals. He staffed the government with his partisans, rewarded allies with lucrative positions, maintained a general policy of clemency, and made free use of the Forum as a bully pulpit. In short, he deftly maneuvered his way through the murky political situation in Rome, sowing the seeds of a Caesarian pseudo-monarchy. There would have been many pieces on the chessboard for Caesar to move around. Admittedly though, it is impossible to divine what he had in mind for all of them. For the sake of our scenario, we'll be focusing on the people from Caesar's inner orbit and will assume that they will have been moved in such a way as to align with his next objective, a war in Parthia. These were the schemes that increasingly occupied Caesar late into the night. For starters, we must ask, why make war on Parthia? The primary reason is that the empire to the east represented a yet untapped source of gold and glory for the ambitious men of the Roman Republic. This is what had motivated Crassus to attempt his own invasion only a decade earlier. While his disastrous defeat stung, the failure only emboldened other commanders to now seek further glory by avenging Rome's honor and returning its lost eagles. For Julius Caesar, perhaps the most ambitious man of his generation, this was an irresistible opportunity to inch ever closer to the legacy of Alexander the Great. In addition, he had reason to punish the monarch of Parthia in particular. King Herodes II had shown expansionary tendencies in the past few years, encroaching on Roman territory and its sphere of influence. Even more insultingly, the Parthian monarch had backed Pompey in the recent Roman Civil War and could bolster potential rivals if and when they emerged. Such concerns would have proved well-founded, as history shows us that King Herodes would indeed lend support to Caesar's assassins in our real-world timeline. So how would Julius Caesar choose to carry out this war? Well, we can look at several centuries worth of eastern invasions to get a sense of possible approaches. These act as a sort of forecasting tool to inform our what-if scenario. The general idea boils down to one of two choices. Do you cross through Syria or Armenia to get into Mesopotamia? The former is more direct but exposed, while the latter is longer but somewhat more sheltered. Crassus had chosen the Syrian gamble and had been annihilated. As a result, Caesar would learn from these mistakes and would probably opt to attack through Armenia instead. Suetonius indicates as much when he reports the general meant to quote make war on the Parthians by way of lesser Armenia. That Antony would lead his own invasion this way in 36 BC of our real timeline indicates he may have picked up his late boss's playbook, further supporting our prediction. Okay, so what next? Well, standard military doctrine necessitated that any grand campaign go through a mustering process. This would have involved the amassing of men and provisions at an operational base relatively close to the anticipated theater of war. Such bases were typically large port towns or cities capable of being plugged into Rome's extensive Mediterranean trade networks. The best candidate here would have been the city of Antioch, the former capital of the Seleucid Empire and a regional stronghold against Parthian attacks. As proof of its strategic nature, the city would be the launching point of Trajan's massive invasion in the 2nd century AD, as well as Lucius Verus' campaign about 50 years later. To put this plan in motion, Caesar will have begun to move his chess pieces across the board. First on the agenda would be to dispatch an administrator and commander to oversee preparations. Antony would have been an obvious candidate, however he was not particularly well regarded for his organizational skills. Instead, we will assume that Caesar will send his nephew Octavian. While the youth was but 20 years old, we know that his great uncle saw promise in him and went as far as to name Octavian his heir in his will. Such a posting would have been a perfect opportunity to start publicly signaling this fact and to give the young man some valuable experience. While we know historically that Octavian would indeed go on to show great administrative skill later in life, at the time he would likely have been accompanied by a more experienced staff to make up for any perceived shortfalls. For our scenario, we will assume that chief among this group is Publius Ventidius. Historically, he was a veteran and favored officer of Caesar's army who later commanded a local Roman army in the east in 39 BC, winning battles against the Parthians. His presence would serve as a strong guiding hand for Octavian. But what of the other key figures? We will assume that Antony has been sent to the Dacian frontier to supervise the newly minted province. This is only a temporary assignment as Lepidus is on standby in Rome to relieve him of this position and allow Antony to join Caesar when the time comes to march on Parthia. Various other figures in the capital may have been invited to partake in the coming war. Perhaps even Brutus and the other would-be assassins were being courted for the job as a way for Caesar to get them away from the plotting of the capital and have them join his side against a common foe. The last major figure worth mentioning in all of this is Cleopatra. At the time of Caesar's assassination, we know that she was in Rome, seeking to elevate the position of her throne, her kingdom, and especially her son by Caesar, the four-year-old Caesarion. Given Egypt's critical role as a grain basket, we can imagine that she had some leverage in such negotiations. Perhaps in exchange for agreeing to pay higher tribute and feeding the invasion force, the dictator would begin to make some concessions. However, unlike the later Antony, he seems not to have been as keen on granting the Egyptian queen any major victories and certainly wouldn't have acknowledged Caesarion given the parallel elevation of Octavian as his true heir. But Cleopatra was persistent and the conversation was far from over. Who knows what may yet be possible. Other chess pieces worth mentioning are the armies and spies of Rome. When it comes to the legions, we actually have records from the time of the Ides of March which state which of them were actually earmarked for the planned invasion. But to get to the full 16 legions claimed by Appian, we must then mobilize other units which were active around this time and which participated in historical campaigns in the east. Taken together, we get a deployment of the following. Legions 2-13, 15-27, and 35-37. These veterans had served Caesar with great distinction in the past, and while they may not have been at their full paper strength of 80,000, they certainly represented one of the formidable armies of its time. Joining them would have been a host of auxiliary units. Crassus' invasion had failed in large part due to its focus on heavy infantry, which Caesar would now seek to remedy by calling up all manner of mounted and ranged troops. Based on Antony's historical campaign, we should expect around 10,000 horse, largely drawn from Celtic and Iberian sources in the west, in addition to some 20,000 archers, slingers, footmen, and mixed cavalry from the eastern regions. Added to these would have also been a vast siege train, likely of Hellenic origin which manifested as a 300 wagon long convoy in Antony's army. But such a vast force would have been a huge strain on resources, especially once concentrated. Thus, not all of them would have mustered immediately at Antioch. Instead, they would have arrived on a staggered schedule, with some units being given orders to meet at waypoints along the planned route to Armenia when the time came. Lastly, we must mention the often overlooked aspect of Roman intelligence. Information gathering was just as vital as logistics, and failure on this front could lead to disaster. Thus Caesar, who was well known as a master of intelligence, would have been busy extending his tendrils out into the east. Short-range missions would have focused on gathering information relevant to the army's path into Armenia. They assessed access to food, water, supplies, and travel routes, and would have begun to set up facilities such as supply depots and outposts, which would serve as the backbone for the Roman logistics route. Longer-range missions would have been sent into Armenia and Parthia. These were meant to ascertain the disposition of enemy forces and strongholds, while getting the lay of the land and geopolitics. Such missions could have occurred out in the open, under the guise of ambassadors or merchants. However, more subtle missions were likely underway as well, using Rome's speculatories. These were spies which embedded themselves deep behind enemy lines months if not years in advance. Fascinating records of the time tell of how they might relay information back to Rome, hidden within the hilts of daggers or obfuscated by code. Thus, with key figures, armies, supplies, and spies moving into position, the Parthian campaign drew ever nearer. But we must realize that the Romans were not the only ones taking action. The world was a dynamic place, and Caesar's movements would have prompted reactions from factions far and wide. Western foes along the Rhine and Danube frontiers, for instance, may have begun to notice a shift in focus and started to whisper of new opportunities which might present themselves in the face of a distracted Rome. Meanwhile, the eastern nations along Rome's war path would have been more directly impacted. We must imagine a swirling of geopolitical maneuvers as they sought to best position themselves. Given Rome's threatening military build-up, the various Anatolian kingdoms most proximal to the invaders were likely to have expressed support materially, or at least diplomatically, for the campaign. However, the further east you went, the more Parthia's influence came to dominate the thoughts of each realm's leaders. This was especially true in Armenia. The kingdom was an ancient one whose lands had been organized into an Achaemenid satrapy. This arrangement lasted several centuries until the Macedonian conquests gave them a chance to break free. Over the centuries they grew into a strong regional player which always strived for independence, but saw larger powers such as the Seleucids and later Parthians meddling in their affairs. By the time the Romans had arrived in the east around the 2nd century BC, Armenia was ruled by Tigranes the Great of the Artaxia dynasty. His reign represented the high watermark of the kingdom, which had expanded to swallow many of its neighbors and was reported to field an army of 12,000 cavalry, 12,000 horse archers, and 120,000 infantry of mixed type. The realm would ally itself with Mithridates of Pontus and together challenge the power of Rome. In the final Mithridatic war however, Pompey defeated them both and in the aftermath Tigranes would be allowed to keep his throne but was forced to relinquish most of his conquests and pledge himself as an ally of Rome. Tigranes would be succeeded by his son Artevasdes II. He maintained the status of a Roman ally and is said to have advised Crassus to take the northern route through his kingdom with promises of providing 10,000 riders and 30,000 infantry to his campaign. Yet when Crassus rebuffed these offers and advanced through Syria, the Parthian king Erodes II invaded Armenia and arranged to have his son, the crown prince Bacchurus, married to the Armenian king's sister. While festivities were underway, it is reported that news of victory at Karai was announced with the head of Crassus being presented as a trophy. Understandably, this swayed Armenia towards Parthia, even though on paper it was still an ally of Rome. Caesar's planned invasion route through the kingdom would have been meant to ensure it stayed this way. For our scenario, we will imagine that factions within Armenia were split regarding which side of the war to support, but were beginning to side with Rome or at the very least, neutrality. After all, King Artevasdes would eventually support Antony's Parthian campaign, at least initially. Erodes would have been well aware of the Roman military buildup and the precarious nature of Armenian loyalty. Thus, the Parthians would have made their own move to shore up this northern flank before the Romans could claim it. This may have first begun diplomatically, but likely would have escalated into direct military intervention. Thus, in February of 43 BC, Parthian armies will invade Armenia under the auspices of protecting them from the Romans. Led by crown prince Bacchurus accompanied by his Armenian wife, they bloodlessly install garrisons at the capital of Artaxana and other strategic locations whilst driving out Roman agents and allies. At the same time, a new round of marriages and vows are exchanged to lash the neighbors together. Word of this quickly makes its way back to Rome. Caesar, on the one hand, is alarmed by the preemptive strike which throws a wrench in his plans. On the other hand though, the invasion provides a convenient casus belli which the Romans can now claim as a just reason for their invasion. Freedom and liberation is their cause, certainly not greed and glory seeking. Caesar now advances the timetable for his campaign and sets off immediately to join the mustering army in Antioch. He sends word to Antony to settle affairs in Dacia and to catch up with him in a second wave. Skirting Sicily, Greece, Cyprus, and Anatolia, the dictator arrives at Antioch in just 18 days. It is now the 1st of March. The campaign season has officially begun. Caesar's arrival in camp would have been met by the raucous cheers of his veterans. Rousing speeches were given reminding them of their past victories together and the great rewards that awaited them in this next adventure. At the same time, he also addressed the numerous envoy sent by local kings to greet him and confirm their loyalty. In short order though, the bulk of the army will have marched out. This was made possible by the meticulous preparations that had been carried out by Octavian. Caesar was sure to thank his heir and allowed the youth to accompany his forces in their initial advance. However, upon reaching the edges of friendly territory, Octavian will have been ordered to turn back and return to Rome. While this may have elicited some pleading remarks, it was clear that the move was a great honor meant to firmly place the heir as Caesar's mouthpiece in the capital. The Roman army's primary objective was to advance on the Armenian capital of Artexana while seizing important cities along the way. To this end, the vast invasion force was split into several major bodies with those on the flank meant to protect the main thrust in the center led by Caesar. The legions quickly overwhelmed the minor settlements and forts in their way with only Tigranasurta offering resistance owing to its Parthian garrison. However, once the defenses outside the walls had been swept away, Roman forces settled in for a siege. Caesar used this first city as a chance for propaganda. Playing up the role of liberator, he promised to leave it unharmed on condition that they opened the doors to him. Given the inevitability of a Roman victory and the looming fact that the legions had sacked the city the last time it resisted a generation earlier, Tigranasurta quickly capitulated. These setbacks were to be expected by the Parthians. For the moment, they bided their time sending mobile forces to harass any element of the Roman army which strayed too far from the protection of the main body. On several occasions, they may have been able to annihilate overzealous detachments and even catch unsupported supply convoys. But for the most part, Caesar maintained tight control of his forces which were helped by the mountainous nature of the terrain that favored infantry. The next few weeks followed the same pattern as Roman armies inexorably advanced across the roughly 1,000 kilometers of hills and valleys leading to Artexata. Along the way, Caesar would continue to play up his famed clemency, forgiving all who embraced him and making sure to support the pro-Roman factions which were being liberated. Assuming a steady pace of around 30 kilometers a day and only moderate delays, we can assume that the various Roman columns would begin to converge upon Artexata in mid-April. Here, they would descend from the various mountain passes into the upper Arras river valley and behold the capital. It was nested atop a hill set against a mountain range at its back with the Arras river and its tributaries serving as moats along its front. The city boasted strong walls and a formidable citadel. It was also reinforced by local fortresses which helped secure the valley. Roman scouts reported that the bulk of the enemy army had been positioned here with strong guard units blocking the southern passes. All attacks would be funneled through the wide plains of the valley floor where the enemy's cavalry superiority could be exploited. Taken together, this would be a formidable position to Caesar again attempted to make offers of clemency in exchange for surrender but the enemy proved confident in their defense and rebuffed him. Things would have to be done the old-fashioned way. Thus, Caesar sent forth his cavalry with support units to establish a foothold within the upper valley. Judging by topography, it seems that the best approach would have been through the wider northern passes which would have been harder to blockade. Likely, the bulk of his units would have been sent this way with others remaining on standby outside the other passes until the positions had been sufficiently compromised from within. As Caesar's troops spilled out into the plain, their moves were shadowed by mounted forces who skirmished with them from a distance. Ultimately, however, there was little they could do to prevent the Romans from establishing a screen behind which to begin building their camps. The first target for the invaders would have been the fortress of Volundum which dominated the upper valley. It was said by Tacitus to be the strongest in all the area. But judging by the later campaigns of Corbulo, the Romans would have nonetheless been able to overcome its defenses in short order. As it fell, the enemy was made brutally aware of Rome's destructive potential and would now be forced to pull back. This in turn would open additional entry points for Roman units who had been waiting beyond the Over the following days, we must imagine the Romans now methodically advancing their camps towards Ardixata. The Parthians still led vigorous sorties and conducted feigned flights to inflict casualties against the less disciplined troops, but Caesar's veterans left few opportunities for such exploitation. Now, with the enemy pushed back to the narrow valley neck around the capital, the legions began to build a wall. This would prevent any unwanted attacks while the remainder of the Easterners trapped on the Roman side were one by one snuffed out. All of this would have given time for the siege train to catch up. Its engines could now be set up to dominate the no man's land which had developed between the two forces. Yet with the capital still standing and its southern supply lines open, there was little hope of starving out the city. Perhaps various battles would have taken place along the western river bank to attempt an envelopment, but it's certain that any competent Parthian commander would have reinforced this position ahead of time. Thus, a stalemate set in. Caesar may have tried to force the issue with a frontal assault, but such an attack would have been extremely costly. A better approach would have been to dispatch troops to secure the towns and villages of Armenia. Doing so would hurt the prestige and morale of King Ardivazdes who would be unable to defend those still loyal to him. This sort of piecemeal breakdown of enemy alliances was one of Caesar's fortes. While the Parthians may have sought to respond in kind, the nature of Armenia's terrain granted the Roman infantry a distinct advantage. By mid-May, we will assume that Caesar has been able to reach a tipping point when it comes to swaying the nobles of the country. Though the capital remains unconquered, he has simply reconstituted a new one in Tigronacerta and begun conducting affairs from there. Caesar may have even threatened to crown a new Armenian king. All of this would have exerted tremendous pressure on King Ardivazdes to bid for peace. The Parthians, sensing that this battle had been lost, would likely have withdrawn their forces in a controlled manner. But this was no great dishonor. At little cost, they had delayed the Roman invasion by several months and even managed to inflict disproportionate casualties using their hit-and-run tactics. Now, the Parthians could focus their efforts on a vigorous defense of their homeland. Yet, they knew that they could not completely yield the initiative to the Romans. A good offense, after all, made for a good defense. To this end, Crown Prince Pacorus had summoned the best of his cavalry for a mighty counterattack. I hope you've enjoyed this reconstruction of what may have happened if Caesar had survived. It's been a ton of fun piecing things together from historical precedent to craft a plausible narrative. Please leave your comments below for what you think should happen next, and keep an eye out for polls and community discussions we'll be running that will help guide the trajectory of this series moving forward. I really want it to be a collaborative effort between myself, our team, and you all. A huge thanks to the patrons for funding the channel, and to the researchers, writers, and artists for making this episode possible. Be sure to like and subscribe for more content, and check out these other related episodes. See you in the next one.