How Octavian Defeated Anthony

The death of the great dictator Julius Caesar had quite dramatically hammered the final nail into the coffin of the Roman Republic. Its fate had been sealed, but there was still much to be done before it would officially be laid to rest. Mark Antony, still serving as consul, yet now aware that he had failed to earn the place as Caesar's chosen heir, was working tirelessly to cement his own power and sway in the developing situation. He had somehow managed to nominally snag for himself the governorships of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul, and played the ringleader in the effort to put a leash on the conspirators and their supporters. This was easier to do than one might expect, given the fact that, as a result of Caesar's murder, the dictatorship he had held was abolished, giving his heir, Octavian, little to claim. Nevertheless, neither of the men was keen to cooperate nor see the other gain any kind of upper hand, and thus, war began. The first signs of warfare approaching came at the end of 44 BC, when Mark Antony journeyed to the city of Mutina with the goal of taking Cisalpine Gaul by military force. This was necessary due to the fact that the region's current governor, Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus, one of Julius Caesar's killers, was unwilling to accept the law that Antony had earlier passed which would have given him the two governorships in Gaul. His law was seen as wildly illegal, and thus Brutus was determined to fight it. Antony subsequently laid siege to Mutina, quite possibly severing the final positive ties he'd had left with the Roman Senate. They now responded to the treacherous siege by sending the New Year's consuls Aulus Hertius and Gaius Vibius Pansa alongside Octavian himself to defend the governor. The Senate's plan worked, as Antony and his men were forced to defend themselves against the approaching armies, the siege of Mutina softened. Both consuls would end up dead, but the siege would be lifted after Hertius and Octavian attacked Antony's camp, scaring him into believing another assault would come soon. That, however, was the full extent of the Senate's victory. Octavian, furthermore, was now no longer willing to work with his uncle's killer, and Brutus was convinced to abandon his post. He hoped to flee to Macedonia, where he would join some of his fellow conspirators, but an ally of Antony would deliver the man's demise along the way. And back in Rome, Mark Antony was now declared an enemy of the state. Meanwhile, two consulship positions were suddenly vacant. The latter fact was one that Octavian took great pleasure in, as he had eyes on the role for himself. Marching to Rome, the heir to Julius Caesar took what he wanted, and alongside his cousin, Quintus Pedius, he took his place as consul. Among the first changes that Octavian and Pedius now made was the curious decision to revoke the declaration making Mark Antony an enemy of Rome. With Octavian himself and Antony being two of the most prominent supporters of Caesar remaining, the former decided that it would serve him well to form an alliance with the latter. Another massive supporter of Julius Caesar and a man of significant influence, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus had already negotiated with Mark Antony, either by his own accord or because Lepidus' troops had insisted upon it. Likewise, all of those forces who supported Caesar were now pressuring Octavian to do the same, and thus, after meeting with the other men, Caesar's heir, Mark Antony and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus entered into what is now known as the Second Triumvirate. This new friendship of sorts was solidified with the passage of the Lex Titia, modeled after Sulla's Lex Valeria, and granted the triumvirs political and legal powers that outshined that of the consuls. The trio would also walk back on earlier agreements to let those who conspired against Julius Caesar off the hook, and in a violent turnaround had hundreds executed. Further, the lands of the Republic were divvied out between the men, with Octavian taking Africa, Sicily and Sardinia, Antony winning Cisalpine and Gaul as he had hoped for prior, and Lepidus being gifted Spain and Narbonensis. Next, there was the problem of the other assassins, the Liberatores, as Gaius Cassius Longinus and Marcus Junius Brutus were known. Having escaped prosecution of any kind in Rome, Cassius and Brutus had fled east, where they were attempting to take control of all eastern Roman territories whilst the triumvirs were in the west. As 42 BC rolled around, however, Antony and Octavian were on their way to the east. The Liberatores' civil war officially began with the Battle of Philippi. As the fall leaves began to turn, Marc Antony came face to face with Cassius Longinus, while Brutus and Octavian squared off. The fight between Caesar's heir and friend-turned-killer seemed like a fair match, and there failed to be one side with a clear advantage, quite contrary to the clash between the forces of Antony and Cassius. The Caesarian beat down his opponent, but Cassius managed to initially escape the battle alive. Despite the truth being far different, Cassius had then heard that his ally had been routed and in dramatic fashion. He reacted to the false news by taking his own life. Now alone in the fight, Brutus managed to take the reins of Cassius' abandoned forces, and both he and his foes withdrew from the battlefield. The triumvirs and Liberatores began attempting to reignite their armies with promises of more money, as Octavian, Antony, and Brutus looked for what their next steps would be. Brutus was hoping to avoid a pitched battle just yet, and with the Liberatores' fleet having defeated the triumvirs on the Ionian Sea, Brutus may have been in a fair position if he was able to do just that. The risk of masses of Caesar's veterans now in the Liberatore forces defecting to Octavian and Antony's side was one worth constantly considering, and when some of Brutus' other forces began to do just that, there wasn't much left that could be done. The Liberatore had to either fight and fight now, or run with his tail between his legs in a humiliating defeat. Brutus chose the first option, though the second may have been better in the end, as the result of an October 23rd battle was the trouncing of his forces and the suicide of the remaining Liberatore. Many surviving members of Brutus and Cassius' forces subsequently joined the Caesarian fight, as did a handful of nobles who had thus opposed Octavian and Antony. When the body of Brutus was discovered amongst the carnage in the aftermath, it is said that Mark Antony paid his respects to his deceased foe and former friend by laying a purple cloth over his corpse. A symbolic moment, putting a face to the true ramifications of the ongoing civil war of the Roman Republic and its remains. Friend against friend, brother against brother, rival factions and political games had torn Rome apart, and as was the way of the Romans, alliances were short-lived and friends were quick to become enemies. The second triumvirate was no different. Following the war against the Liberatores, the members of the three-way alliance split up geographically, particularly Antony and Octavian, the latter of which had to now move on to facing Sextus Pompey in Sicily whilst Antony focused on the east and Parthia. Cleopatra would also enter the picture again, this time striking up an affair with Antony, much as she had with Caesar before him. This allowed Antony and Cleopatra an advantage, both could use each other to strengthen their own positions, but, after all, this was an adulterous relationship. Antony had a wife back in Rome, and that wife of his was not one to be ignored. As the Parthians readied for a pre-emptive attack against some of Rome's eastern holdings, Antony's wife, Fulvia, alongside Lucius Antonius, consul and brother to Mark Antony, were mapping out their own plans for war. Amongst domestic unrest triggered by Octavian's treatment of his veterans and ongoing war with Sextus Pompey, Fulvia and Antonius decided to target the triumvir personally with a slew of propaganda and only fans the flames of the ongoing discontent. The situation soon escalated to the point of Antonius' military occupation of Rome and subsequent warfare against the forces of Octavian. The debacle was short-lived, lasting only from 41 through 40 BC and ending in a victory for Octavian, who eventually seized Perugia as a result. Both Antonius and Fulvia were allowed to and, at the request of Octavian's soldiers, so were those belonging to Antony's family. And while Antony himself had stayed absent during the clashes, feigning distraction throughout it all, he was now watching his fellow triumvir with mild suspicion. Octavian had taken more than Perugia. He had furthermore seized Gaul after the death of Antony's governor and held additional territory elsewhere within Rome's grasp. With distrust being one of the pillars holding up the might of the second triumvirate, it's no surprise that Antony thus dropped everything to return to Italy with an army of his own, just in case. As another just in case, Antony furthermore attempted to enter discussion with Octavian's current nemesis, Sextus Pompey. This plan worked well enough, but it led Antony into direct conflict with Octavian's garrison at Brundisium. Had it not been for the pleas of both armies to make peace, the scuffle could have turned into yet another civil war. But alas, the soldiers managed again to trigger negotiations. Or maybe it was just that these Romans understood well the concept of fairness to their men. By the fall of 40 BC, an agreement had again been made between the triumvirs. Antony and Octavian's new positions in the east and Gaul respectively were made official, and Lepidus, the rather forgotten of the three allies, was confirmed in his new position over Africa. After brief celebrations at home, the renewed friends then looked back at Sextus Pompey with two options in mind, sign a treaty or win a war. As the scorching summer heat set in, so did negotiations. After discussing terms such as solidifying Sextus' position over the Peloponnese, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily for five years followed by a consulship as well as compromises on behalf of Sextus' soldiers and slaves, an agreement was finally made. War could be avoided, for once, for now. Who was the strongest link in the triumvirate may be debated, but it seems in the deal struck between them and Sextus Pompey, Antony was the glue that held them all together. With the latter having shortly returned east and focused back on his victories against Parthia, via his lieutenant Publius Ventidius, the relationship between Sextus and Octavian was now under a scorching spotlight. It was only a matter of months before tensions reached a flaming high with no Antony around to stomp them out. In an unexpected twist, Octavian had already retaken Corsica and Sardinia for Rome after one of Sextus' admirals had a change of heart and loyalty. Sextus had favoured Antony over Octavian anyway, and this gave him the perfect excuse to throw their alliance aside on Caesar's heir. The sea battles showed an early advantage for Sextus, causing worry for Antony once more as he now saw a risk of Sextus gaining too much power in comparison to both himself and Octavian. Thus, when his fellow triumvir asked for aid, Antony, though not necessarily in favour of Octavian, sailed back for Italy to discuss matters further. Allegedly, the only thing that pushed him to support Octavian over Sextus was the persuasion of Antony's newest wife and sister of Octavian, Octavia. Despite Antony's resistance, the triumvirate was again renewed, now more officially, and it was agreed that the deal made earlier with Sextus was no longer on the table. It was time for war, and Antony would support Octavian militarily. Antony additionally refocused his goals in the east against Parthia and his continuing affair with Cleopatra, who he now acknowledged he had impregnated as he granted her new lands. Those back in Rome, and really all of Italy, were displeased by this quite public entanglement, growing a crack in Antony's reputation that would soon be deepened by his coming failure against the Parthians. Having marched on the Parthian capital, Frata, and then being chased all the way back to Cappadocia after being abandoned by his alleged ally in the King of Armenia, Artevastes, Antony had turned the crack in his prestige into an expanding rupture. Meanwhile, Octavian and Lepidus, with the crucial aid of Octavian's lieutenant Marcus Vespanius Agrippa, found their own triumphs against Sextus, who by the end of 36 BC was on the run, ironically, toward Mark Antony. Sextus' potential for a new treaty with Antony was not the biggest news of the moment. In fact, it was the neglected Lepidus who made metaphorical headlines with a sudden betrayal. After the defeat of Sextus, Lepidus, who'd long awaited his own glory, attempted to win over Octavian's men for himself. This plan disastrously backfired, and the unshakable Octavian reacted by, simply put, kicking Lepidus out of the Second Triumvirate. To say that the alliance still existed with only Antony and Octavian would be a foul joke. It appeared by now that Lepidus had, in the case of the Triumvirate, been the glue, and now that glue was gone. As a result, there remained nothing standing in the way of another civil war, and Octavian now readied for just that. A propaganda war was the first form of battle to come, and displaying a quite impressive level of naivety, Antony made things ridiculously easy for Octavian. After having the fleeing Sextus executed, Antony went on to bamboozle his alleged ally in Armenia, seizing his kingdom and showing off this entire trickery in an ill-thought-out display of celebration. He then engaged in a yet more poorly evaluated ceremony with his children by Cleopatra, by now shattering the once positive reputation he'd earned entirely. Many in Rome had blamed corrupt morals for the repeated domestic conflicts and wars, and to see someone such as Mark Antony himself parading around in such scandalous and theatrical ways only gave the citizenry more reason to point the finger at him, not Octavian or anyone else. Yet, whether aware of his own self-destructive behavior or not, Antony decided to throw his own accusations back at Octavian, branting him scarcely short of a traitor. If there was truth in these imputations, it would seem not to matter much to all outside of Antony's circle. Octavian was winning the war of words. Mark Antony needed to prepare for one with swords. After forming a counter-senate of his own, Antony began readying his army. The sheer manpower of his force was quite incredible. 800 ships and 100,000 men were ready to fight for the Roman general. The only question was, should they also fight for Cleopatra? This question was answered in dramatic fashion when Antony opted to divorce his Roman wife, yet another reckless move for the stunningly ignorant triumvir. Had he hoped to avoid further damage to his honor, he could have simply removed his Egyptian mistress from the equation, but he instead opted not only to keep Cleopatra around, but to divorce Octavia, a decision he had to know would have significant consequences in the eyes of the public and, of course, Octavian. Unsurprisingly thus, Antony began losing men. One in particular, Lucius Monatius Plancus, a former senator, switched allegiances, now joining up with Octavian. This man would be the first domino to fall in the race toward another war. It was at his urging that Octavian unsealed the will of Mark Antony, which, according to him, showed his true loyalties to Egypt, leaving Roman lands to he and Cleopatra's children, recognizing Caesarion, Cleopatra's son with Caesar, among other damning requests. Octavian followed up this reveal by declaring war on Cleopatra. By September of 31 BC, the allies turned foes alongside the Queen of Egypt herself clashed at the Battle of Actium. The battle on the Ionian Sea saw a fairly even force on either side. Leading up to the final clash, those on the side of Octavian had been repeatedly harassing the Greek coast as they waited to coax Antony and Cleopatra into true battle. The latter duo, however, had made a new plan to redistribute their forces setting up garrisons and moving their fleets, something that Octavian quickly caught word of. After pensive debate with Agrippa, Caesar's heir decided that they mustn't let their enemies do as they intended and that the battle must begin immediately. With Antony's men still deserting on a daily basis, any new ideas or strategies were also taken out of Antony's camp and brought right into the hands of Octavian. Finally realizing that he was more or less stuck and any chance at surprising the enemy was non-existent, Antony ordered his men into battle. What happened in the actual course of the battle is debated, but what is known is that by the end, Antony and Cleopatra fled while many of their ships and men sunk into the sea or went up in flames. The couple had squeezed through a treacherous gap to slip away, it seems, with no care for the men who'd been willing to risk it all to fight on their behalf. The following year, more desertions plagued Antony's troops. Cleopatra and Octavian had failed to come to any agreement during fruitless negotiations. Octavian was marching toward Alexandria. On the 1st of August, the city fell to the heir of Julius Caesar. Caesar's son by Cleopatra was murdered, as was Mark Antony's heir. Cleopatra's surviving children were captured and the Roman triumvir with his Egyptian queen ended their lives together. Antony and Octavian had always been no more than pawns in one another's violent game of chess, but the battle of Actium had been checkmate, and now the king and queen were dead. Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus had won.