Forgotten Warlords of the Viking Age

In the ninth century, Ireland was a land of hundreds of splintered realms, each fiercely independent, each governed by ancient bloodlines. Though five great overkingdoms stood above the rest, wielding power over the lesser domains, no single ruler held sway over the island as a whole and there were many kings across the land. This lack of unity left Ireland exposed, its fragmented strength unable to repel the storms that loomed on the horizon. But a new and formidable force arrived from across the sea, the Viking Age had begun. For two hundred years, Ireland would be gripped by waves of Norse raids and warfare, its monasteries plundered, its sacred ground scorched and its peace shattered beneath the The Vikings only made the situation in Ireland worse and some kings joined to oppose the threat while others allied with the invaders for a chance to dominate the other kingdoms. Among these invaders, one name would echo through the annals of Irish history, Olaf the White. Hailed in legend as a scion of the gods, Olaf was no ordinary warlord, he would rise to become the first king of Dublin, establishing a Norse stronghold on Irish soil that would shape the island's destiny for generations and become one of the most important trading posts in Britain. Known to the Irish as Amlaib Conan and the King of the Foreigners, his name was spoken with fear and dread in every fragmented kingdom in Ireland but for the purpose of the video, I will refer to him as Olaf. The Saga of the Ear-Dwellers names him the greatest walking west over the sea, reflecting his greatness. This is his story. The Landamabok Saga is a medieval Icelandic written work which describes Olaf's heritage. It states, There was a warrior-king called Olaf the White, the son of King Ingjald, son of Helgi, son of Olaf, son of Gudrod, son of Haft and Whiteleg, king of the Uplands. The Uplands is an ancient name for the agricultural lands and forest regions north of Oslo in Norway. The ancient house that Olaf belonged to was the House of Yngling, a dynasty of kings first in Sweden and later in Norway. The dynasty claimed descent from the god Freyr, associated with kingship, fertility, peace, prosperity, fair weather and good harvest. During the Viking Age, many rulers claimed legitimacy for their rule from their divine ancestors as they were thought to be imbued with divine powers, such as fortune in war and good seasons during their rule. The Saga of the Eardwellers, written in the 13th or 14th century in Iceland, describes Olaf as the son of Ingjald, the son of Helgi, but the mother of Ingjald was Þóra. Þóra was the daughter of Sigurd Snake-in-the-Eye, who in turn was the son of Ragnar Lothbrok. This later source no doubt wants to glorify Olaf as a descendant of the hero Ragnar Lothbrok, but Olaf and Ragnar would have been alive at around the same time during the 9th century. In addition, Olaf is described as the brother of Aemar, who historians have identified with Ivar the Boneless, Ragnar's son. Therefore, Olaf being a distant descendant of Ragnar is highly improbable. Furthermore, the Irish annals record that Olaf's father was named Godfreyd, the King of Loughlin. Godfreyd played a pivotal role in the rise of the Norse influence in Scotland and was among the earliest rulers of the Isles, a dominion that held sway over the Irish Sea and its surrounding regions during the Middle Ages. Though much about Godfreyd remains shrouded in mystery, including his origins and the precise nature of his kingdom, the Gaelic term Loughlin, meaning the Land of Fjords, was historically used to refer to Norway. This suggests that Godfreyd likely ruled a Norwegian kingdom. The origins of Olaf's lineage are steeped in legend, and it is unlikely that his true ancestry will ever be fully known. According to all the sagas and sources however, his forebears were said to be legendary kings and even gods, from whom Olaf emerged as a distinguished scion. The rulers and princes of Norway would have been raised in the shadow of the old gods, steeped in the ancient rites and rituals of the Æsir. From an early age, they would have been taught the sacred customs, including the offering of blood sacrifices to appease the divine. Alongside this spiritual education, they would have been trained in the arts of war, mastering the spear, axe and sword. They also learned the secrets of the Norse longship, a marvel of their age, which gave them a formidable advantage at sea, thus was born the feared tradition of going Viking. This upbringing would have given Olaf what he needed to later rise to prominence. Nothing is known of Olaf's childhood, but his later deeds were attested to. The earliest mention of Olaf in the Annals of Ulster, otherwise known as the Annals of Medieval Ireland, describe his arrival in the year 853. It states, Olaf son of the king of Loughlin came to Ireland, and the foreigners of Ireland submitted to him, and he took tribute from the Irish. The Landammerbox states, Olaf went on a Viking expedition to the British Isles, conquered Dublin in Ireland and the region round about, and made himself king over it. The Annals of Ireland also report Olaf's arrival. In the sixth year of the reign of Mál Shagnall, Olaf the White, son of the king of Loughlin, came to Ireland, and he brought with him a proclamation of many tributes and taxes from his father, and he departed suddenly. Then his younger brother Eymar came after him to levy the same tribute. Both the Landammerbox and the Irish Annals recount that Olaf came to Ireland as a war leader, waging battle against its people. Through conquest and unnamed battles lost to time, he established himself as the first king of Dublin, asserting dominion over the Norse settlers already present. Under his rule, he imposed his authority across the land, collecting taxes and wealth from both the Irish and the Vikings. In addition to collecting tribute, Dublin had, by this time, been established as a longport, a term used in Ireland to describe a Viking ship enclosure or fortified riverside camp. Well defended and sheltered, these sites provided swift access to the sea, and proved invaluable during the Norse raids on Ireland, many of which targeted the wealth of coastal churches and monasteries. The longport was not only a military stronghold, but also a centre of economic activity. Archaeological evidence reveals a vibrant trade network, with imports and exports that included textiles, animal hides, and amber. In time, Dublin grew to become the largest slave market in Western Europe, cementing its role as an economic hub in the Viking world. Thus, under the rule of Olaf the White, Dublin emerged as the first Norse kingdom in Ireland. As its founding king, Olaf presided over an expanding realm of commerce and power. By the time Olaf the White set foot on Irish soil, the island was under the shadow of Mol Shacknell I, who had been proclaimed the High King of Ireland. Though never a unified kingdom in the modern sense, the title carried immense symbolic weight. Olaf, a Norse warlord of ambition and cunning, may have left Ireland for a time, but by the year 857 he had returned, and not alone. At his side stood his formidable brother Aemar. Together, they challenged the Irish High King, the overlord of the powerful southern Enel, a dynastic lineage claiming descent from Nile of the Nine Hostages, the semi-legendary King of Tara, who was said to have ruled in around the early 5th century. By this time, Olaf ruled from Dublin, a Viking stronghold whose strategic location placed it perilously close to Mol Shacknell's domain. Unsurprisingly, conflict soon erupted. The Annals of Ulster note in the year 856, there was great warfare between the heathens and Mol Shacknell. The battleground was Munster, a southern kingdom that the High King aimed to subdue. Early victories favoured the Norse. Olaf and Aemar defeated Catelyr the Fair, a Norse-Irish leader, and crushed his forces in Munster. By the year 858, their alliances had grown. Aemar joined forces with Serbal, the King of Ossory, a small but strategically vital kingdom in the southeast. Although Serbal had once fought against the Norse, he now stood beside them in opposition of the High King's growing power. United, they routed a Norse-Irish host aligned with the High King. In the year 859, Olaf, Aemar and Serbal pushed further, raiding the kingdom of Meath itself, which was Mol Shacknell's ancestral seat. In response, the High King convened a royal council. The outcome was pivotal. Serbal, seeking to restore peace among the Irish, broke from the Vikings and once again pledged his loyalty to the High King. With Serbal lost, Olaf and Aemar turned northward, forging a new alliance with Aed Finlay, overking of the northern Aenel, and a bitter rival of the High King. According to the fragmentary annals, Olaf sealed the pact by marrying Aed Finlay's daughter. In the years that followed, the bond between the northern Aenel and the Vikings of Dublin grew stronger. With the southern Aenel as a common enemy, and Dublin resting so close to their lands, the Norse became natural if uneasy allies with their northern counterparts. In this complex web of alliances and betrayals, kingship in Ireland remained as much a game of shifting loyalties as it was a contest of swords. In the year 862, Mol Shacknell, the overking of the southern Aenel, passed away. With his death, the kingdom of Meath was divided between two lesser rulers, Lorcan Mac Cachal and Conchor Mac Doncada. This fragmentation presented a rare opportunity, and Olaf and Aenmar, ever watchful for advantage, moved swiftly to expand their dominion over the weakened heartlands of Ireland. According to the annals, Olaf struck with ruthless precision. He drowned King Conchor Mac Doncada at the sacred site of Clonard Abbey, a chilling display of Norse ambition desecrating Irish sanctity. Just as Olaf was killing many Irish kings, a shift in strategy occurred. By the mid-860s, Olaf and Aenmar turned their attention across the sea to Britain. Their campaigns in Ireland paused, and in the year 864, Aenmar vanishes from the Irish chronicles altogether. For six years, he is absent from the record, leading many historians to believe he was, in fact, the fearsome Ivar the Boneless, the commander of the great heathen army that ravaged Anglo-Saxon England during this time. With their most formidable enemies gone, the native Irish kings seized the moment to strike back. Across the land, Viking longboats, once the strongholds of Norse power were attacked and razed. The men left behind by Olaf and Aenmar were defeated in battle, particularly by the warriors of Leinster. Even a fort in Dublin, a symbol of Olaf's reign was destroyed. In the year 867, Olaf returned to Dublin, likely drawn back by news of these defeats, but his troubles were far from over. The following year, his own son, Carlos, fell in battle, slain while fighting the forces of King Aed Finlay, once Olaf's ally, now his bitter rival. This was a crushing blow, and a resounding victory for the Northern Irish Aenel, one that echoed across the Irish chronicles. Enraged, Olaf sought revenge. He led a raid on Aenmar, the spiritual heart of the Northern Aenel, and one of Ireland's most revered monastic sites. It was a strike of not only violence, but of symbolism, a defiant message carved in blood. By the year 870, the tides had turned once more. Infighting among the kings of Leinster weakened their resolve, and the Norse regained their strength. With the balance of power shifting in his favour, Olaf once again turned his gaze across the sea, ready to resume his raids on the shores of Britain. After causing havoc across England, Aenmar, better known to legend as Ivar the Boneless, turned his gaze northward. His campaigns had already left deep scars. He had captured York in the year 866, slain King Ellor of Northumbria by the gruesome ritual of the Blood Eagle, and mocked the martyrdom of King Edmund of East Anglia. Now, with half of England bowing beneath him, his ambitions stirred again. Olaf the White, the King of Dublin and his brother in arms, looked also to the north. Their eyes fell upon the kingdom of Strathclyde, a land rich in both plunder and promise. At the heart of this realm stood the fortress of Dumbarton Rock, also known as Alt Clutt, the ancient seat of a proud Brittonic kingdom. Strategically perched where the rivers Clyde and Leaven meet, the citadel commanded the waterways into Scotland's central lowlands. Its location alone made it a jewel worth seizing. It was also the last of the Brittonic kingdoms outside of Wales. To the Norse, it was both a threat and a prize. For much of the ninth century, this realm had been spared the full fury of the Viking storm that had swept through Ireland, England and the Scottish coasts. But by the year 870, that sanctuary came to an end. Eymar and Olaf united their forces, the might of Dublin's warbands with the hardened veterans of the English campaigns, and they set sail for Dumbarton. When a direct assault failed to take the fortress, they laid siege to the great rock. For four long months, they battered its walls and blockaded its shores. This was a feat almost unheard of in Viking warfare, a reflection to both the strength of Dumbarton's defences and the Norseman's determination. Inside the fortress, the defenders endured, but then the water supply ran dry. Parched and surrounded, the proud garrison had no choice but to yield. According to the Welsh chronicles, the summit of Dumbarton Rock may have been destroyed in the final stages of the siege. When the gates finally fell, the Vikings swarmed through the fortress, plundering its treasures and seizing captives. The Annals of Ulster record that a fleet of two hundred ships carried the prisoners back to Dublin. Among them were Britons from Dumbarton, but also Picts, Scots and Northumbrians, souvenirs from previous raids. Though their ultimate fate is unrecorded, it is likely that they were sold into slavery in Dublin, then one of the largest slave markets in Europe. The fall of Dumbarton marked the end of Outklut's dominance. Its royal and religious seat was moved upriver, while Dumbarton Rock itself may have served for a time as a Norse stronghold. In the north, the name of Olaf the White would long be remembered, not just as a conqueror of Dublin or a king among the Norse, but as a man who brought low one of the last great Brittonic strongholds. Olaf the White returned to Dublin in the year 871, and with that, the contemporary Annals fall silent on his fate. But the fragmentary Annals of Ireland offer one final glimpse. That same year, Olaf sailed back to Loughlin, the Norse homeland, to aid his father King Gothreid in a time of war. Conveying Olaf perhaps returned to his ancestral home of Norway to wage more war, what became of him is cloaked in the mists of legend and conflicting memory. According to the Pictish Chronicle, Olaf met his end in around the year 874, in the midst of a relentless campaign against King Constantine I of Scotland. It states, Olaf and his host laid waste to Pictavia, and he remained there from the first of January until the Feast of St. Patrick. Again in the third year, while collecting tribute, Olaf was slain by Constantine. Yet the Icelandic Landarmabok tells a different tale. There, Olaf is said to have died on Irish soil, falling in battle. The Landarmabok also records that Olaf married Eadr, the Deep-Minded, the daughter of Ketil Flatnose, the Norse King of the Isles. Olaf and his wife had a son named Thorstein the Red, who would grow into a fierce warlord in his own right, launching his own campaigns to conquer Scotland in the 870s. Olaf's legacy however, was already sealed. He was the first Norse King of Dublin, the founder of a kingdom that would become the longest lasting Viking realm in Ireland. Under his rule, Dublin flourished, not just as a stronghold of warriors, but as a centre of trade and wealth, a gateway between Ireland and the wider Viking world. He was more than a king. To the Norse, he was descended from the gods, a slayer of kings, a breaker of fortresses, and the man who took the impregnable Dumbarton Rock, and his name echoed through sagas and annals alike. After Olaf's death, his brother Aemar assumed the kingship of Dublin, and it was Aemar who would go on to found one of the most powerful Norse-Gaelic dynasties that ruled the seas and coasts of the Irish Sea. From Dublin to York, the Norse King's influence would be felt, but none of it, none of the conquests, none of the legacy would have been possible without Olaf the White. Siward was one of the most formidable earls of 11th century Northern England. Over time, his life became the stuff of legend, surrounded by mythic tales of his origins. Chroniclers describe him as a man of almost gigantic stature, with extraordinary strength of both body and mind. He rose to prominence during the reign of Canute the Great, emerging as the Earl of Northumbria at a time when royal authority in the north was hard won and fiercely contested. By no later than the year 1033, Siward controlled southern Northumbria, modern day York, governing the region on Canute's behalf. Northumbria was a harsh and often lawless land when compared to southern England, long plagued by blood feuds, rebellion, and rival families who ruled their territories with near independence. Its dangers were compounded by a volatile northern frontier, where constant Scottish raids threatened both land and people. Yet despite these challenges, Siward succeeded in imposing his authority over the entire Earldom. A loyal and indispensable servant of the crown, Siward gave crucial military support and political counsel to Canute's successors, Harthacnut and Edward the Confessor. His power and reputation were further enhanced by his campaign against the Scottish King Macbeth, a conflict that later secured him a place in the dramatic imagination of William Shakespeare. Fierce, pragmatic, and resolute, Siward stands as the last great Viking Lord of the North. This is his story. The Vita et Pacior Valdevi is a biography of Wulthiof, the son of Siward. In keeping with the conventions of medieval biography, the work presents Wulthiof's ancestry in a richly legendary form, blending history with myth. The stories of ancients tell us that Ursus, a certain nobleman whom the Lord, contrary to what normally happens in human procreation, allowed to be created from a white bear as a father and a noblewoman as a mother, begot Spartinglus, Spartinglus begot Ulthius, and Ulthius begot Beorn, whose nickname was Bersun, this is Bersun. This Beorn was Danish by race, a distinguished earl and famous soldier. As a sign, however, that due to part of his ancestry he was of different species, nature had given him the ears of his father's line, namely those of a bear. In all other features he was of his mother's appearance, and after many manly deeds and military adventures, he begot a son, a tried imitator of his father's strength and military skill, his name was Siward. This passage identifies Siward as the son of a Scandinavian earl named Beorn or Bjorn and traces his lineage back to a polar bear, an idea rooted in Germanic folklore rather than literal belief. In pre-Christian Northern Europe, the bear was far more than an animal, it was a sacred and symbolic being, closely associated with strength, ferocity and kingship. Claims of bear ancestry formed a well-established mythic tradition in Norse and wider medieval culture, often used to explain extraordinary warriors, heroic figures and the passage from a pagan past to a Christian present. Many historians have suggested that Siward's supposed father Beorn was likely a historical figure, he may have been a brother of Thorgill Sprackling, himself reputed to be the son of the Swedish Prince Sturbeorn the Strong, a legendary berserker. If such a lineage is accepted, Siward would have carried noble Swedish blood and stood as a direct male descendant of Beorn Ironside. Under this reconstruction, Siward would also have been a first cousin of Earl Ulf of Denmark, who married Canute's sister Estrith, and founded the royal dynasty that eventually succeeded Canute himself. The Sprackling family rose to prominence in Scandinavia during Siward's lifetime, and Siward's remarkable career in England may be seen as yet another expression of that family's growing power and influence within the politics of the Viking world. The precise date and circumstances of Siward's arrival in England remain unknown. The earliest secure contemporary reference to him appears in a charter issued by King Canute in the year 1033, in favour of Elfric Puttock, the Archbishop of York. By that year, Siward was certainly an Earl, though he may have attained the title earlier, his predecessor Erik Hakonsson disappears from the historical record in the year 1023, leaving a decade-long silence during which Siward may well have risen to power. The Vita Valdevi, however, supplies a far more dramatic and legendary account of Siward's advancement. According to this narrative, after a brief conversation, the king took Siward into his service and promised him the first high office in the realm that should fall vacant. Siward then took his leave. As he crossed a bridge near the monastery of Westminster, he encountered Tosti, the Earl of Huntingdon, a Dane by birth, but one who had fallen out of royal favour. As Tosti passed a footbridge, he crossed so closely that he soiled Siward's mantle with his muddy feet, an especially grave insult in an age when cloaks were worn loose, without cord or clasp. Though anger surged within him, Siward restrained himself, unwilling to strike down a man on his way to the king's hall. Instead, he remained on the bridge with his men until Tosti returned. Then Siward drew his sword and struck off the earl's head, concealing it beneath his mantle. He went straight back to the king and demanded, in accordance with the royal promise, the earldom of Huntingdon. The king, believing this to be a jest, for Tosti had only just departed, laughed at the request. Siward then recounted what he had done and as proof, cast the severed head at the king's feet. Bound by his word, the king immediately proclaimed him the Earl of Huntingdon. Soon afterwards, as the vita continues, renewed attacks by the northmen threw the kingdom into uncertainty. The king consulted the leading men of the realm and with one voice, they entrusted to Siward the governance of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland. The king invested him with authority over these lands, thus raising him to the greatest earldom in the north. When Canute died in the year 1035, his kingdom was immediately thrown into uncertainty, for several rival claimants advanced their claims to the throne. Among them were his sons, Harthacnut and Harald Harefoot, as well as Alfred Aethling, the son of the old Anglo-Saxon king Aethelred the Unready. Isolated in Scandinavia, Harthacnut was unable to prevent Harald Harefoot from seizing power in England. Harald ruled from 1035 until his death in 1040, which occurred just as Harthacnut was preparing for an invasion. Arriving shortly thereafter, Harthacnut assumed the kingship. At some point during these years, Siward married Aethelred, the daughter of Ildred of Bambra, the granddaughter of Uhtred the Bold, who was formerly the Elderman of Northumbria. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records that in the year 1041, Eadwulf the Earl of Bambra was betrayed by King Harthacnut. Other sources, including the Libellus de Exordio, clarify that the deed was carried out by Siward himself, who attacked and killed Eadwulf, the son of Uhtred the Bold, and possibly Siward's rival for control of the region. It is likely that Siward used his wife's distinguished lineage to strengthen his claim to the Earldom of Bambra. Although Harthacnut had promised Eadwulf safe conduct, he appears to have colluded in the killing. In the aftermath, Siward emerged as the Earl of the whole of Northumbria. This act provoked widespread condemnation. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle denounced it as a betrayal and branded the king as an oathbreaker. The English were accustomed to kings who ruled in council, guided by the advice of their leading men. Harthacnut, however, had governed Denmark as an autocrat and showed little inclination to alter his style of rule in England. This was due to his distrust of many of the English earls. He doubled the size of the English fleet from sixteen to thirty-two ships, partly to secure his wider empire and to finance this, he imposed sharply increased taxes. These demands coincided with a poor harvest, plunging much of the population into hardship. In the year 1041, unrest boiled over when two royal tax collectors were killed by rioting townspeople in and around Worcester. Harthacnut responded with a brutal and deeply unpopular measure. He ordered his earls to carry out a harrying, burning the city and slaughtering its inhabitants. Siward was summoned and took part in the reprisal. Harthacnut survived only another year. In the year 1042, he died suddenly at a wedding feast, reportedly by poisoning. His death brought an end to Danish rule in England, and his half-brother Edward the Confessor ascended the throne without opposition. Relations between Siward and King Edward appear to have been cordial and mutually supportive. Indeed, Siward seems to have been among the king's most powerful and dependable allies. In the year 1043, Siward joined Old Godwin of Wessex and Leifric of Mercia in marching with King Edward against his own mother, Queen Emma. The campaign enabled Edward to strip the queen of her vast treasury. Wealth accumulated during Canute's reign, which Emma had guarded jealously, having long favoured her other son Harthacnut, while Edward himself had spent some twenty-five years in exile in Normandy. Siward firmly supported the king's decision, seeing the transfer of this treasure as both a symbolic and practical foundation for the new reign and the stability of the kingdom. Tensions resurfaced dramatically in the year 1051, when Godwin the Earl of Wessex, and the most powerful man in England, rose in rebellion against Edward the Confessor. Having fallen out with the king, despite being his father-in-law, Godwin marched toward London at the head of his forces. Aware that his own powered base could not withstand the might of Wessex and Godwin's formidable family, Edward summoned his loyal earls, Siward and Leifric, who duly mobilised their armies and advanced south in support of the crown. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records that Siward was compelled to call up additional reinforcements, and that the king ultimately prevailed. Godwin was driven into temporary exile, but even in banishment, Godwin remained a grave threat. The continued and resolute support of Siward and Leifric proved essential to Edward's security. But public opinion soon began to shift. As the wider circumstances of Godwin's exile became known, sympathy for him grew. Edward had refused to punish his Norman associates for the killing of townspeople in Dover, declining to bring them to justice. Godwin, whose earldom included Dover, had defended its inhabitants and refused to act against them. Edward then accused Godwin of responsibility for the earlier death of his brother, Alfred Ethling, resulting in the conflict escalating into open rebellion. While Godwin remained in exile, he used his immense wealth to hire mercenaries from across Europe. In the year 1052, he returned to England at the head of a formidable force, and the men of Wessex rose in support of their dispossessed lord. Faced with renewed rebellion and an enemy strengthened by numbers and popular backing, Siward and Leifric declined to rally to King Edward's cause. Deprived of their support, the king had little choice but to yield, and Godwin was restored to his earldom of Wessex. The Annals of Lindisfarne and Durham, composed in the early 12th century, record under the year 1046 that Earl Siward with a great army came into Scotland and drove out King Macbeth, setting another in his place, but after his departure, Macbeth recovered his kingdom. This brief notice foreshadows the campaign for which Siward would later become most renowned. Siward is remembered above all for his great expedition against Macbeth, King of Scotland in the year 1054. According to several sources, the conflict had its roots in earlier violence. King Duncan I of Scotland is said to have attacked northern Northumbria and laid siege to Durham, only to be overthrown and killed within a year by Macbeth. After his father's death, Duncan's son Malcolm Canmore was forced into exile and found refuge at the court of Edward the Confessor in England. By the year 1054, Malcolm was present when Siward invaded Scotland on his behalf. During this campaign, a major battle was fought, remembered in the sources as the Battle of the Seven Sleepers. The earliest contemporary English account appears in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle which records, At this time, Earl Siward went with a great army into Scotland, with both fleet and land force, and fought against the Scots, and put to flight King Macbeth, and slew all that were best in the land, and brought away much war-spoil, such as no man had obtained before. And there were slain his son Osbjorn, and his sister's son Siward, and some of his housecarls, and also of the king's men, on the Day of the Seven Sleepers. Henry of Huntingdon offers a more dramatic version in his Historia Anglorum. Around this time, Siward, the mighty Earl of Northumbria, almost a giant in stature, very strong mentally and physically, sent his son to conquer Scotland. When they came back, and reported to his father that he had been killed in battle, he asked, Did he receive his fatal wound in the front or back of his body? The messenger said in the front. Then he said, That makes me very happy, for I consider no other death worthy for me or my son. Then Siward set out for Scotland and defeated the king in battle, destroyed the whole realm, and having destroyed it, subjected it to himself. The exact motive for Siward's invasion remains uncertain. Did he act as an independent warlord, or did he act on the orders of King Edward the Confessor? In the year 1055, Siward fell ill, and felt his death nearing. According to the Historia Anglorum, this is what transpired. Siward, the stalwart Earl, being stricken by dysentery, felt that death was near, and said, How shameful it is that I, who could not die in so many battles, should have been saved for the ignominious death of a cow. At least clothe me in my impenetrable breastplate, gird me with my sword, place my helmet on my head, my shield in my left hand, my gilded battleaxe in my right, that I, the bravest of soldiers, may die like a soldier. He spoke, and was armed as he had requested. He then gave up his spirit with honour. The Vita Erdoide Regis records that Siward died at York, and was buried in the monastery of Saint Olaf, a claim corroborated by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. He is also credited with having founded this church himself. Several sources hint at the existence of a now lost saga or literary tradition devoted to Siward's life, one that may have recounted his many exploits and campaigns. If such a work did exist, it has vanished with time, leaving much of his story and many of his battles forever beyond recovery. One of Siward's sons, Waltheof, born to his wife Efflet survived him. Waltheof rose to prominence as an Earl in the East Midlands, before eventually inheriting the Earldom of Northumbria. His later rebellion against William the Conqueror however, led to his execution, after which he came to be venerated as a saint. Through Waltheof's daughter, who married David I, King of the Scots, Siward entered the lineage of Scotland's kings, and in time, of the later monarchs of Britain. Cnut the Holy was a King of Denmark in the late 11th century. An ambitious ruler, he sought to strengthen the Danish monarchy and restore the North Sea Empire, once forged by his grand-uncle, Cnut the Great. Viewing William the Conqueror as a usurper, with no rightful claim to the English throne, Cnut launched several raids against England in an effort to assert his influence. A devout supporter of the Roman Catholic Church, Cnut was deeply committed to religious reform, yet this very devotion ultimately contributed to his downfall. He insisted on a strict collection of tithes, or church taxes, a policy that proved deeply unpopular among his subjects. By granting the clergy extended authority to tax and fine peasants on church lands, he further alienated the common people. These mounting grievances sparked a peasant uprising in early 1086. The mob of peasants would chase Cnut into a church, however they would soon storm it and killed him, bringing his reign to a violent end. Cnut later became the first Danish king to be canonised. In the early 12th century, the Roman Catholic Church declared him a saint, and recognised him as the Patron Saint of Denmark. This is his story. Cnut was born in the year 1042, as one of the many sons of Sweyn II Estridsson, his mother was an unknown mistress. Sweyn himself was the son of Ulf Dorgilsson, the Danish jarl and regent who had governed Denmark on behalf of Cnut the Great. Sweyn's mother was Estrid Svensdatter, who was the daughter of Sweyn Forkbeard. Through this lineage, both Cnut the Holy and his father Sweyn were connected to the former ruling dynasty through the maternal line. With the death of Harthacnut, son of Cnut the Great, that royal line had come to an end, plunging Scandinavia, particularly Norway and Denmark, the remnants of the North Sea Empire, into periods of conflict and war. Nothing is recorded about the early years of Cnut the Holy. He first enters the historical record in the year 1069, taking part in his father Sweyn's raid on England. In 1066, William the Duke of Normandy crushed the Anglo-Saxons at the Battle of Hastings, becoming William the Conqueror and bringing an end to the long line of Anglo-Saxon and Danish Viking kings who had once ruled England. Yet, the Anglo-Saxon nobility refused to submit to William's authority, rising repeatedly in rebellion. Their resistance ignited the Norman conquest of England, one of the bloodiest episodes in the nation's history. With England in turmoil, King Sweyn of Denmark seized the opportunity. In the year 1069, he launched an invasion fleet, its strength estimated at between 240 and 300 longships. The force had been recruited not only in Denmark, but also in Norway, Frisia, and Saxony, and it was led by not Sweyn himself, but by his sons Harald Hen and Cnut the Holy. The Danes sailed for the Humber, where they made a successful landing and were joined by several English leaders, including Waltheof, Gospatric, and Edgar the Etheling, a claimant to the English throne. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, these nobles were accompanied by all the people of the country, suggesting a widespread uprising in Yorkshire. The combined Anglo-Danish force marched upon York, riding and marching in high spirits. They would defeat the Norman garrison in open battle and would then capture the city. William, who had been in the Forest of Dene when he received news of the invasion, would march north at once. Upon learning of William's approach, the Danes abandoned York, either retreating to their ships or establishing a defensive line along the Humber. William drove part of the Danish army out of Lindsay and by Christmas, he had retaken York. After the holiday, he unleashed a brutal campaign known as the Harrying of the North. Northumbria, England's northmost region was ravaged. Fields and towns were burned, famine spread so widely that some people were driven to cannibalism, and an estimated 100,000 lives were lost to William's fury. The Danes eventually reached an agreement with William. In exchange for a large payment and permission to sustain themselves by plundering the eastern coast, they would withdraw from England the following spring. However, in the spring of the year 1070, Sweyn Estridsson himself joined the fleet. King Sweyn would land with his army on the Isle of Ely. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that Englishmen from all the Fenlands came to meet him, thinking that they were sure to conquer the whole land. Among them was Heroard, a Lincolnshire then who led a band of men in the sacking of Peterborough Abbey. That summer, Sweyn and William reached another agreement, its terms unknown, though almost certainly involving a second payment, after which Sweyn returned to Denmark. His son, Prince Canute, likewise made his way home. In the year 1075, several earls conspired at the wedding feast of Ralph de Gale to raise a rebellion against King William. According to Alderic Vitalis, their grievances included William's habit of eliminating any real or suspected threats to his authority. After the wedding, each lord returned to his own earldom and envoys were dispatched to Denmark to seek assistance. A Danish fleet of 200 ships, commanded by Sweyn's son Canute the Holy, set sail for Norfolk, however upon arriving, they discovered they were too late, the rebellion had already collapsed. The Danes therefore turned northward, ravaging the Lincolnshire coast and sacking York, before steering south once more and making for Flanders. Their leaders evidently recognised that without English support, their force was far too small to accomplish anything further. King Sweyn of Denmark would die in the year 1076. He was known as the father of kings, for five of his fifteen sons would go on to rule Denmark. Following Sweyn's death, his son Harald Hen was elected king. Harald swore what became known as Harald's Laws, pledging to uphold the established legal order. His reign however was marked by opposition from several of his brothers, likely including Canute who sought the support of King Olaf III of Norway. Pope Gregory VII intervened, advising Olaf to remain neutral and urging Harald to share power with his siblings. Despite this counsel, Canute went into exile in Sweden and he may have taken part in an active resistance against his brother Harald. However on the 17th of April in the year 1080, Harald died and Canute succeeded him as the King of Denmark. Upon his ascension, Canute married Adella, the daughter of Count Robert I of Flanders. The couple had one son, Charles born in the year 1084. Canute quickly proved himself both a highly ambitious and deeply devout king. He strengthened the authority of the church in Denmark and bestowed generous gifts upon the ecclesiastical institutions, reinforcing his reputation as a champion of the faith. His determination to reinforce the collection of tithes further reflected his commitment to elevating the church, an institution that, in return, became a powerful ally in bolstering his own authority. In May of the year 1085, Canute issued a letter of donation to the still uncompleted Lund Cathedral, granting it extensive lands. At the same time, he founded Lund Cathedral School. Much of the land he donated had come into his possession as payment for the pardoning of outlaws. The clergy at Lund were granted expanded rights over these estates, including the authority to tax and fine the local peasantry, yet Canute retained his royal prerogatives, the power to pardon outlaws, to levy fines on those who failed to answer his call to war and to demand transportation for his retinue. His reign was characterised by vigorous efforts to consolidate royal power in Denmark, restraining the nobility and compelling them to abide by the law. He issued decrees claiming the ownership of common lands, the goods of shipwrecks and the estates of foreigners or those without heirs. He also enacted protections for freed thralls, foreign clerics and visiting merchants. These measures however stirred resentment among his subjects, who were unaccustomed to a king asserting such sweeping powers or intervening so directly in their daily affairs. Canute's ambitions however were not purely domestic. As the grand-nephew of Canute the Great, who had ruled England, Denmark and Norway until the year 1035, Canute the Holy believed the crown of England was his by right and regarded William the Conqueror as a usurper. In the year 1085, supported by his father-in-law, Count Robert of Flanders, and by King Olaf III of Norway, Canute prepared to invade England. William however was a seasoned king and warrior. Rumours of the planned invasion soon reached him and he made ready to The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records, This year, men said, and reported as certain, that Canute the King of Denmark, the son of King Swain, was coming hither, and that he intended to conquer this land with the help of Robert the Earl of Flanders, whose daughter he had married. When King William who was then in Normandy heard this, he hastened to England with a great army, one which had never before been seen in this land. Men wondered how the country could feed them all, but the king entrusted his soldiers upon his subjects throughout the nation, and they provided for them, each man according to the land he possessed. And the people suffered greatly this year, for the king ordered the countryside near the sea to be laid waste, so that if his enemies landed, they would find nothing to plunder. With William fully prepared for the threatened invasion, and with England's coastal region stripped of anything worth plundering, Canute would face immense difficulty in bringing his forces ashore. William commanded a vast army, said by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle to be the greatest England had ever assembled. The Danish host however, was composed largely of peasants who needed to return home for the harvest. Growing weary of the long delay, they chose Canute's brother Olaf to present their grievances. This aroused Canute's suspicion, and he had his brother Olaf arrested and sent to Flanders. At the same time, Canute was troubled by the looming threat posed by Henry IV, the Holy Roman Emperor, with whom both Denmark and Flanders maintained uneasy relations. Fearing an attack from Henry, Canute hesitated and postponed the English campaign. As the weeks passed, the warriors returned home to tend to their fields, and the once formidable fleet never set sail. Before the fleet could be summoned again, a peasant uprising erupted in early 1086, in the region where Canute was residing. Many peasants had grown resentful of the heavy taxes he imposed, and many more were enraged by the fines levied against those who had abandoned his army to save their harvests. In their eyes, they faced only two choices, punishment from the king, or starvation for their families. Forced to flee, Canute retreated to Odense, the largest town on the island of Funen. He and his loyal men sought refuge within the wooden church of St. Alban's Priory, but the rebels soon stormed the sanctuary and brutal fighting broke out. According to legend, Canute received the sacraments of reconciliation and holy communion and forgave his enemies before they forced their way inside. The attackers first tried to burn the church and batter down its doors, but when these attempts failed, they climbed through the windows to reach those within. Kneeling before the altar, with only seventeen men still at his side, Canute accepted his fate. He was defended by his men and by his brother Benedict until the end. The king was struck down by a spear that pierced his side or abdomen, ending his reign. Every member of the king's entourage was killed, and he was then succeeded by his brother Olaf. In the wake of his death, Canute's martyrdom and his steadfast support of the church quickly elevated him to the status of a holy figure. During Olaf's reign, Denmark suffered a devastating crop failure, widely believed to be a divine punishment for the sacrilegious killing of the king. Reports of miracles at Canute's grave soon followed, and efforts to secure his canonization began even before Olaf's rule came to an end. On the 19th April of the year 1101, Canute the Holy was canonized, the first Dane ever to receive sainthood. Through the centuries, Canute's reign has been variously interpreted. To some, he was a harsh and violent ruler who oppressed his people. To others, he was a strict yet just king, fiercely devoted to the Roman Catholic Church, and unwavering in his pursuit of righteousness, even at the cost of his own life. I would like to give a huge thank you to all of my members. 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