‘The Day There Are Negotiations, Europeans Must…’: Macron’s Big Message To Trump On Ukraine Talks

First, Ukraine. I had the opportunity to reiterate this after the G7 summit, but for the first time since the new American administration, we have reconverged Americans and Europeans on our position regarding Ukraine. And so, support for it, reaffirmed military support, support to fund its energy infrastructure, and also support to re-coordinate sanctions against Russia and apply pressure. On the European side, we also have a strong opposition, as it is the first time since December 2024 that we have adopted conclusions on Ukraine as 27 nations, which is also an achievement of this Council. Obviously, after the payments, the start of the payments of the 90 billion euro loan that was decided in December, the momentum is therefore better. And so, we confirmed here exactly this momentum that I just described, initiated in Evian. And so, we had a debate on supporting defense capabilities, particularly anti-aircraft, and bringing our capabilities and production closer together. We also emphasized that the loan granted by the Europeans will, in a concrete way, help improve Ukrainian energy resilience. And I also want to welcome in this regard, the agreement reached at the G7 to fund the work to secure the confinement arch of the Our support also goes hand in hand with increased sanctions, and here too, a position of 27. In this regard, we are also tightening the noose on the shadow fleet, which remains the main vector for Russian oil exports, and increasing pressure on the Russian banking system and alternative financial mechanisms, that is to say, the cryptocurrencies used to circumvent sanctions. And so, as also agreed at the G7, we will strengthen our sanctions on the oil and gas sector for a swift adoption of the 21st sanctions package. Furthermore, Europeans remain ready to contribute to robust security guarantees, notably through the coalition of volunteers, which will have a role to play at the appropriate time. And in this capacity, I want to reiterate here that we have invited all member countries of the Coalition of the Willing, whether they are members of the European Union or not, to Paris on July 13th for a summit, and then to participate in the July 14th parade alongside the Ukrainian Armed Forces as well. Finally, the progress made in the accession process for Ukraine and Moldova this week is historic, and I want to reiterate that here. It was welcomed during this Council. The opening of the Fundamental Chapters blockmarks the official start of accession negotiations, and I welcome the commitment of Hungary and Ukraine on the subject of national minorities, which also allows for getting Ukraine's accession process to the European Union back on track, while remaining based on the respect for individual merits. Progress, therefore, on this subject and confirmation of the positive momentum that was evident during the G7. The dialogue on global imbalances will continue. It allowed, within the framework of the G7, to move forward by defining this consensus in the G7+. And also, a few days before the G7, with the summit we held on what we call the Convergence Summit with India and China, by involving China for the first time in 20 years in such work, and by starting to prepare this work on the basis of what I have just mentioned with a view to the G20 at the end of the year. Second element, very simple, very clear, that we have always defended. The day there are negotiations, the Europeans must be at the table. Because it concerns Europe's interests, which are tied to what is at stake in Ukraine through the aid we have provided, through the issue of enlargement, which concerns Europeans, and also through the financial support and loans we have been able to provide for its financial settlement. And so the European Union must be represented. And President Costa, in his capacity, as his responsibilities are defined, will have a seat there. However, the member states would also have their place there. And he cannot represent them when it comes to security guarantees, which will be a key element of any negotiation. We are not mediators, point one. Point two, we must be at the negotiating table when it takes place. And the representatives of the institutions and the member states that are key to future security guarantees. What has happened in recent weeks is that the Europeans have said that in the negotiation initiated by the Americans, we must be involved. It is also in this capacity that President Zelensky had reached out to the E3 and asked us to come to London eight days ago. Things have changed in recent days, since the Americans, for the first time since the election of President Trump, have said, we are joining you, we support Ukraine, we will support it even more strongly, and we will sanction Russia. And so the question today is not about who, when or how one should go and negotiate with Russia. It is about all of us saying we have clarified our position. And so it is up to Russia, to whom many offers have been made in recent months, to say when it will be ready to negotiate. I am a great supporter of innovation in my country. I will be with VivaTech again shortly, but I am always very cautious when talking about innovation regarding values and human rights. Allow me to have this reservation. And so there is indeed the question of these famous return centers in third countries. France does not support that policy. We are in favor of a more effective return policy. But first, I have never seen a return center in a third country work. I have, in recent years, heard many people do this or sign agreements. And I invite you to consider what that is. It means that people who do not want to return to their country of origin, or whom you cannot get to return to their country of origin, you will find a third country into which you will push them, and that this country will accept, perhaps in exchange for money. So which country? What kind of relationship are you creating? What about human rights? And you're going to push all these people into a country that is not their own, even though you do not want to keep them yourselves. I am not sure that this is our Europe. I'm not sure that these are the fundamental principles upon which our Europe was built. And I do not believe, moreover, that it is effective. The proof is that I have not yet seen anyone make it work. And I even believe that the countries that had signed pre-agreements with one or another member of the European Union or others have not implemented them. So we will not implement it. But that is a matter. And I have great respect for all those who want to do it. I disagree both from a pragmatic and a principled point of view. But I think that has nothing to do with European policy.