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The largest Chinese embassy in Europe is set to rise in the heart of London: a 20,000 square meter complex at Royal Mint Court.
Local councillors rejected it twice. But the government approved it anyway, and a High Court challenge from residents was dismissed this summer.
Standing against it is Luke de Pulford, founder of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China—an international coalition of lawmakers opposing CCP infiltration.
Why does this embassy matter, and why should America care?
The site sits directly above fiber-optic cables carrying sensitive financial data between the City of London and Canary Wharf, Britain's two main financial districts. The architectural drawings are also conspicuously redacted.
"Nearly an entire floor is redacted, so we don't know what the use of those buildings are, and some of those rooms are in the basement area," de Pulford says.
"If the Chinese were able to, in some way, sabotage or hack this cabling … They would be impacting any financial services from anywhere in the world who are located in those two financial centers, which of course includes the United States."
MI5 lists China as one of the most serious national security threats facing the UK. So why was the embassy approved?
"It's partly down to the leverage that China exacts, it's partly down to the carrots that it dangles around economic opportunities, and it's partly down to the blunt coercion it's willing to mete out."
This episode looks at what can still be done to stop the project, why it's being called the last line of defense, and what it takes to resist communist infiltration from within.
Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
🔵 Support independent journalism and subscribe to The Epoch Times now for just $1 per week: https://theepochtim.es/ATLUSA
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Luke DePaulford, president of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC), discusses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) global influence operations. He highlights the security risks of a proposed \"mega embassy\" in London, the regime's use of transnational repression and forced labor, and the urgent need for democratic nations to recognize the CCP as a unique party-state rather than a conventional government.
They wanted to build the largest embassy in Europe, a massive fortress for the Communist
Party right in the center of London.
Once this thing is going to finalize, it becomes effectively sovereign territory for the CCP.
Well, let me shock you, Jan. It's already sovereign territory in UK law.
In this episode, I sit down with Luke DePaulford, founder and president of the Inter-Parliamentary
Alliance on China to understand what's really going on with China's mega embassy plan and
what it means for America.
Nearly an entire floor is redacted, so we don't know what the use of those buildings
are. Some of those people who had received bounties also received letters saying, we
are going to drag you into the embassy. And that might seem hyperbolic until you realize
that the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office was being used to fund people to harass dissidents.
The UK High Court recently dismissed a legal complaint against the embassy.
Really at the very heart of the political system and political culture is control. It
exists to protect itself, the party, and to that end, it must exert control at any cost.
This is American Thought Leaders, and I'm Jan Jekielek.
Luke DePaulford, such a pleasure to have you on American Thought Leaders.
Pleasure to be here.
In the UK, we've heard about this mega embassy now for quite some time. And the courts in
the UK have basically given it the go ahead just a few days ago as we're recording, which
frankly to me was quite astonishing, given some of the evidence that you've presented
that this is a bit of a big deal. So two things. What is this? First of all, this mega embassy,
explain that. And also, what is it that we can learn here in America and in Canada about
how the CCP operates?
This is a huge topic, and I've been very deep in it for years now. So I'm going to do my
best to summarize. So this mega embassy, what is it? It is going to be the largest embassy
in the whole of Europe in London. But it's not going to one of the many allies of the
United Kingdom. It's going to an adversary of the United Kingdom in the Communist Party
of China. We've been fighting this for a long time, led very ably, it has to be said, by
the residents of that area who have been a bulwark against this thing. But it's been
a mess from the beginning. Back in 2018, then Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson gave permission
for this thing. At least he gave the land to the Chinese. They bought it at a discount
price. Even that was pretty dodgy. But then what happened was the Chinese had to apply
for planning permission. And of course, this very prestigious site, they didn't want to
just build a normal embassy on it. They wanted to build the largest embassy in Europe, a
massive fortress for the Communist Party right in the centre of London. So they submitted
this application and it was refused by Tower Hamlets Council. If you don't know what that
is, this is a little council authority that oversees that area of London. So quite interesting.
I don't know what they must have made of that in Beijing, having their permission initially
refused. But then they applied again and the government did something unusual, which was
what we call a calling in the decision. So they took the decision over. They took it
away from the council because they thought, well, they're just going to refuse it again.
So the government decided at the beginning of this year to give the green light to the
mega embassy after years of debate and campaigning on our side and many organisations campaigning
against this thing. We then sued the government. And that is the court judgment that you're
talking about now. The High Court just found against us. This is very complicated. I'm
not going to go into too much detail. But in essence, we had to prove that the UK government's
decision in allowing the embassy was unlawful. That's what we would have to do in order
to stop this thing. We did not succeed at the High Court and now we are seeking to appeal.
What I would say to try to give people a little bit of encouragement is that we expected that.
This is the kind of significant decision that needs to go to the higher courts really in
order to stand a chance of winning. So the next stage, if we succeed, will be the Court
of Appeal. And if we don't succeed at the Court of Appeal, the stage after that will
be the Supreme Court. Happily, the residents and campaigners are willing to fight this
all the way. But your listeners should know this is the only way of stopping this mega
embassy now. So why should the United States care about it? Why should anybody care about
it? A couple of reasons. The first thing is that this thing is huge and the size matters
because we were criticised. Some people said, well, you know, buildings don't spy on people.
Who cares if it's a big building? What's the problem? The answer is that where you see
more Chinese state employees, you see more Chinese state interference. That regrettably
has been the evidence of the last few years especially. And it's very difficult to ignore.
We've just seen two convictions in the United Kingdom of people who are harassing dissidents
having been paid through the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office. So this is a serious, pressing
real problem and in the UK. So this building accounts for more than 200 extra flats in
addition to a huge area. So we're talking a lot more Chinese diplomats and that means
a lot more Chinese interference. It means a lot more Chinese surveillance and attempted
control of dissident and diasporic communities. And we do not want it. So we should oppose
it for that reason alone. But why should the states care? Well, you may have seen that
it was exposed that there are some sensitive communication cable infrastructure basically
within feet of this mega embassy. This isn't just sensitive communication cabling. This
is cabling that connects Canary Wharf to the City of London, the two financial centres
in London, which means that if the Chinese were able to in some way sabotage or hack
this cabling, that they wouldn't just be impacting United Kingdom financial services. They would
be impacting any financial services from anywhere in the world who are located in those two
financial centres, which of course includes the United States. Now, I'll tell you, back
in 2025, I came to Washington and I briefed various people, including the White House
on the presence of these cables and said, you know, your financial services are going
to be endangered by this thing. You need to lean in. We've got to stop this thing from
happening. And there has been quite a lot of activity since then, but it's not been
enough to deter the United Kingdom from pressing ahead with this disastrous project. They are
leaving it to a group of residents and campaigners to defend United Kingdom national security.
Not only that, the stability of worldwide financial services is pretty extraordinary.
This is a situation where you have multiple UK residents who have come from Hong Kong who
literally have bounties on their head to the tune of a million Hong Kong dollars.
We're talking about putting the biggest possible diplomatic mission in Europe into the centre
of London on top of sensitive financial cables. It counters common sense. Has this
struck you somehow?
You're right. The thing which is so disturbing about this is how easily the government has
dismissed the concerns of those people. Some of those people who had received bounties also
received letters saying, we are going to drag you into the embassy. And that might seem
hyperbolic until you realise that the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office was being used to fund
people to harass dissidents. They were convicted for that. This isn't allegedly. They were convicted.
Very difficult to get to that threshold in the UK courts. So it shows you this is a real and
pressing problem. But to answer your point, why are they doing it? What's the real reason for this?
There are two reasons. One is that Beijing has made a priority of this thing. So in 2024,
Xi Jinping himself said to then Prime Minister Keir Starmer, you've got to give us this embassy.
I cannot think, by the way, of any precedent for a leader of a country demanding that there's a
particular location given for their embassies. Highly unusual. So the CCP has made a real
priority of this mega embassy. Well, why do we think that is? Because they want to have
a very large base within London to project their power over the whole of Europe. It's very
important to them. And not because they like the real estate. It's because they want to be able to
build this huge monolith of a building as a control and command centre for their operations in Europe.
This is a deeply worrying thing. The second reason is that the United Kingdom has an embassy in
which is crumbling and has been seeking permission for renovations for years. You will know enough
about the Communist Party of China to know that that's a nice leverage point for them.
So they have said that they will not permit the UK embassy in Beijing to be renovated until and
unless they get permission for the mega embassy. This again is not me making it up. We managed to
hold a letter from Boris Johnson in 2018 which mentions both of those things. It sells the
building to the Chinese and it says in that very letter, we hope therefore that the development
of your embassy and our embassy in Beijing will progress unimpeded. So that's what this is really
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It's not a crazy idea that there's lots of spies. I haven't seen the blueprints myself,
but I've spoken with people about the fact that in these proposed blueprints,
there seems to be some very suspicious areas. I'm wondering if you could comment on that.
Yes, in fact, this was one of the grounds for our legal challenge. There are many,
redacted rooms. And normally when you have plans for an embassy of this size,
you describe what the rooms are for. So it's for, the general building is for embassy use,
of course, but what are the actual rooms for? Normally you have a description.
Nearly an entire floor of this thing, and we're talking a huge building,
nearly an entire floor is redacted. So we don't know what the use of those buildings are.
And some of those rooms are in the basement area. And this has prompted people to speculate what it
might be used for. The truth is that we don't know. But knowing the kinds of activities that
the CCP gets up to around the world, I wouldn't put anything past them. And not having an
understanding of what's going on in that building ought to be very worrisome for people, but
particularly those targeted by Beijing. And that includes me and many other foreign lawmakers,
foreign activists, but particularly at risk are those people who are from China
or from any territory associated with China. So this is real stuff.
Tell me a little bit about why you're targeted by Beijing.
Well, I think it started when I got heavily involved with the pro-democracy movement in Hong
I guess it must have been the turn of 2019. I started to get a lot of impersonation emails.
So somebody was just pretending to be me, emailing family, friends, people they thought
my colleagues and often weren't. And it was a low level annoyance, to be honest with you. I mean,
I didn't ever take it that seriously. Although I have to say, whoever this impersonator is,
is quite good. He successfully resigned my Conservative Party membership and that required
him to phone up pretending to be me. Now, this person was traced to Hong Kong. So
pretty clear what's going on there. But that I regard as pretty low level harassment. There's
also a lot of targeted online harassment to anybody who works within IPAC. But when the
security law was passed, much more serious stuff happened both to me and to IPAC. A volunteer with
IPAC in the early days, a guy called Andy Lee, who helped to build IPAC's website, was arrested
under the national security law in Hong Kong. Shortly thereafter, he tried to flee Hong Kong
with 11 others to Taiwan. They were on a boat and they were apprehended in Chinese waters.
Andy was taken to Shenzhen and he was tortured there. And after he was tortured, he was taken
back to Hong Kong, where he became a prosecution witness in the trial of Jimmy Lai. Now, I want
to make this as clear as possible because it is very complicated. Andy, extremely good man,
helped anybody who needed help, was never violent, only ever believed in supporting democracy. In
fact, only ever really believed in upholding the promises the United Kingdom made to Hong Kong.
The Sino-British Joint Declaration, which was unilaterally torn to pieces by China,
that's all Andy did. But they needed somebody who was connected to our work
so they could blame Jimmy Lai for it. And they wanted him to become a prosecution witness
so he could say in some way that Jimmy had been behind the whole IPAC project.
The reality is that Jimmy had nothing whatsoever to do with IPAC, nothing. I'd exchanged a few text
messages with him, which were all read out in court during his trial. And some of it, like Alice
threw the looking glass, ludicrous. I mean, there was one point where I'd sent him a tweet and I'd
said, please RT. And he'd responded saying, what RT? For the benefit of your listeners, it means
please retweet. Totally ridiculous. This was being read out in court as if this was a terribly
criminal act. You know, I barely knew the guy. But in Beijing, they need a big bad boss. They
needed to delegitimize the democracy movement in Hong Kong. And they wanted to pin that on Jimmy
Lai. But in order to pin that on Jimmy Lai, they needed somebody who was actually connected with
international work to say that he was behind it. And that's where Andy came in. So I was named
very extensively in both of those trials and named as a co-conspirator in the trial of Jimmy Lai.
As a result of that, my own foreign office called me in and warned me of potential extradition
to Hong Kong and China from third countries. There are about 50 something of those.
So it's relatively serious stuff. They don't like me. They don't like IPAC. Fairly regularly
targeted by Chinese state media. But I do want to say, from my point of view,
the targeting of me, even this targeting of some of the people around me or foreign lawmakers,
it may seem to your listeners to be severe. And I suppose it's relatively serious.
You cannot compare it with the kind of repression that is faced by diaspora communities around the
world whose families are used as leverage in order to shut them up. That for me is very much
more serious, more worrying. I don't want to compare myself with those people.
But we've certainly been on the receiving end of a certain amount of ire from Beijing.
One of the things that I don't get to talk about enough is how Beijing views people who are
Han Chinese or some of the minorities within its borders as their property in a way,
or they have a right, some sort of jurisdiction over them that would go beyond people that they
don't like, like yourself and me. I'm wondering if you could speak to that a little bit.
I think there is an interesting point here. Most people don't know that Chinese law regarding
citizenship is fundamentally racist, not just racist, really terribly draconian.
For example, somebody who is born in China, let's say they move to the United Kingdom
and they have children in the United Kingdom, and their children's children are born in the
United Kingdom, their children's children's children will still be regarded by the Chinese
Communist Party as Chinese, and they will claim dominion over them, they will reject
whatever nationality they have been given, and they will assert Chinese law over those people.
This is an extraordinary situation for the international community to tolerate, but it does.
It does. Jimmy Lai is a British citizen. He's not a dual national. He's a British citizen,
and the British government is unable to do anything for Jimmy Lai because China asserts
that he's Chinese. They lord over him Chinese law and say, well, we'll judge you by Chinese law,
you're Chinese, we're going to treat you that way, and it does that with many, many others.
The reason I think this is important is that it goes to the heart of the ethno-nationalism of the
Chinese Communist Party, the way that it understands Chinese identity, the increasing
what people will call Han chauvinism at the heart of the Chinese Communist Party, the idea that
there is a particular Chinese race, a particular understanding of the Chinese people, which has
to approximate a particular ethnicity, the Han ethnicity. That's the way that Beijing behaves,
and we've just seen this be concretized in what they're calling the ethnic unity and progress
law, a totally dystopian piece of legislation which enables them, gives them a legal basis
to harass people abroad on the basis of their ethnicity. We're not just talking about persecuting
minority groups within China. They're going to do that too under this law.
We're talking about simply assuming that because somebody is of the Han ethnicity,
that they can and will be treated under Chinese law. That is the policy of the Chinese Communist
Party. Totally extraordinary that the rest of the world just allows it.
My own reading of Article 63 of that law in particular extends beyond even ethnicity,
extending to people that say things the Chinese Communist Party may not like.
Absolutely. The entire thing is constructed to try to control and suppress dissent. That's
really what it's there for. They want it to apply to everybody, much like the national
security law in Hong Kong, which ludicrously claims extraterritorial jurisdiction. They think
that they can go after anyone anywhere in the world who says things that they believe to be
contrary to national security, which is, as we know, a definition in Hong Kong that expands
every day. It means that even a foreign lawmaker criticizing the national security law
or saying things that Beijing doesn't like could violate either of those two laws,
either the national security law in Hong Kong or the ethnic unity law in China.
It's a shocking state of affairs. It's worth dwelling on this because it's something which
is misunderstood, I think, about the party state in China. People don't understand that
really at the very heart of the political system and political culture is control.
They don't understand that. They think wrongly that it will behave and act like a normal
government. It exists to protect itself, the party, and to that end it must exert control
at any cost, even at the cost of violating other people's laws, which we've seen them do
routinely. It's something that's very important for people to understand because unless you
understand that, that at the heart of the thing is the continuance of the party state,
is the protection of the party and the exacting of control in order to be able to do that,
you will not understand it properly. This is one of the mistakes that so many governments have made.
First of all, believing that China would open up with economic integration to the World Trade
Organization, and then thinking somehow they would be able to, through negotiations, talk
the Chinese Communist Party out of its very function. Its very function is to protect itself
and to exact control. Such powerful words. I just wrote a book,
Killed to Order, about the organ industry in communist China. A big chunk of the book is
talking about how this organ industry is a window into the mind of the Chinese regime.
That window explores something that you put very succinctly just now.
I totally agree with you. I'm very glad that you're doing the work that you're doing on organ
harvesting. One of the most difficult areas of CCP rights abuses has been this persistent
and widespread problem of state-sponsored organ harvesting. So difficult to raise awareness around
it because it's such a hidden crime, as you know. But we also have the issue around the world,
whereas democratic lawmakers have been able to talk about abuses in the northwest of China or
Hong Kong because they've been able to see them. They've been able to read evidence which has
proven it to them beyond doubt. It's so difficult to do that with organ harvesting. It's something
which is crying out to heaven for more attention. And when it gets it, and when the true state of
what is happening in China is truly unmasked, I think that finally, finally people will see
the party state and the evils that it's capable of for what they really are.
I spoke in the UK Parliament recently. Unfortunately, you weren't in town on those
days. But what I was told from that event is that the officials from the UK Human Tissue Authority
came in some significant numbers to this meeting for the first time, which at least
the BBC journalist who was telling me about this, he was sort of astonished that they were there,
which indicated that this issue is getting a bit more prominent in the UK,
thankfully. But sadly, not a lot, not enough being done. And although there is legislation in the US
right now that has a good chance in the Senate, that's a whole different story.
I wanted you to talk a little bit about IPAC because I think a lot of people might not know
what that is. Just very briefly, to give me a picture, you play a key role in this institution,
and I find it to be an incredibly important one.
Thank you. IPAC, the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, was something that
I started building in 2020 with leading lawmakers initially from eight countries,
and they included then-Senator Rubio, who went into government. The idea behind IPAC
is that governments are not doing enough on China, and they're not doing enough on China
because there is economic and diplomatic leverage. And I guess I came to the realisation that
the world's parliaments were an untapped resource. Lawmakers have a toolbox. They can table bills,
they can table amendments, they can have debates, but they also have tremendous voice by virtue of
the fact that they've been elected. So the idea behind IPAC was, well, it is a common realisation
across political parties, across the democratic world, that the Chinese Communist Party under
Xi Jinping is presenting, in some places, almost existential challenges. We need to be able to
face that. So we thought, OK, we'll bring this thing together. We will create a constitution
that enables these lawmakers to work together in order to shift debate within democracies
towards a more realistic posture on China. So in a sentence, IPAC is basically parliamentary
guerrilla warfare in order to try to shift thinking on China, to use every tool available
to parliamentarians to force governments to adopt a more realistic posture on China,
because they're not going to do it on their own. I mean, that's pretty clear. Look at the last 20
years' worth of activity. It doesn't matter what Beijing has done on China. Governments have been
happy to turn a blind eye. Well, we can't allow that. So we're trying to use parliaments in order
to force that to change. That's the raison d'etre of IPAC. I recently also testified in the Taiwanese
legislature in the UN, and one of the co-chairs in Taiwan of IPAC was actually running that hearing,
or playing a central role in running that hearing. So doing very good work.
Well, the network has been phenomenally active. You'll probably remember back in
2020-2021, there were motions passed in parliaments around the world recognizing
genocidal atrocities in the northwest of China against Uyghurs and other
minorities. This began as an IPAC initiative, and there have been many others.
So I would almost call it a political action committee, but it isn't. It's actually a bunch
of parliamentarians doing everything they can, using all the tools at their fingertips,
in order to try to wake up their own governments to the challenges, to the risks posed by the CCP.
I want to jump back to what we were talking about earlier. Let's call it transnational
repression. Again, a term that you're very familiar with, I'm very familiar with,
but it's not in colloquial usage. Basically, Beijing extending its long arm to the UK,
putting these bounties on people's heads, and a great many other things. This is something that
IPAC has been deeply, deeply involved in. One thing that I'm just recalling here is that,
was it in 2022 in Manchester, there was someone actually dragged onto consulate grounds and beat
up? There's two things I'm thinking right now. One is that that's, of course, unbelievably
shocking that something like could happen like that with relatively limited repercussions.
The second part is that once this embassy is built, once this thing is going to finalize,
it becomes effectively sovereign territory for the CCP and this massive state. You'll never know
what that floor of rooms is downstairs, nor will you be allowed to know.
Let me shock you, Jan. It's already sovereign territory. In UK law, once diplomatic consent,
which is the jargon for this, was given by Boris Johnson in 2018, it already became
inviolable diplomatic land. That's what it is already. Very sadly, that ship has already sailed.
The question that we're dealing with over the embassy is whether or not they get planning
permission for the building. That's what we're opposing. If they don't get that,
they'll probably move out. We hope that we're successful. You're absolutely right.
You raised the case of Bob Chan. This was a Hong Konger in 2022. He was protesting outside the
Manchester consulate in the north of England. They didn't like this in the consulate in
Manchester, so they dragged him into the embassy. Get this, the consul general himself
punched him in the head. What was the United Kingdom's response to this, do we think?
The United Kingdom allowed China to recall the diplomats and the consul general who had done that.
For me, in any self-respecting country, you kick them out. You label them what's known as persona
non grata. You make sure that they are gone because they violated the law. They violated
your largesse as the host nation. That didn't happen because it was China. As per usual,
we see different rules being applied to Beijing. That was just one instance. This happened in the
United States too. During the visit of Xi Jinping, there were a whole bunch of protesters who turned
up. They found that there were people from probably organized by the United Front who had
come and they assaulted them. This is going to be happening more and more around the world unless we
take a zero tolerance approach to it. I agree with you. I mean, what you say about transnational
repression is right. I don't like this jargon. Basically, what it means is extraordinary levels
of illegal bullying from Beijing in other people's countries. That's what it means.
But not just bullying, terrible levels of harassment. There's a whole spectrum of crimes
associated with it. It's a category of authoritarian overreach, which we've allowed
by the backdoor. We've allowed it mainly through this behemoth of an organization called the United
Front or United Front Work, which, as far as I can make out, is almost like a religion. It's
almost prayed into existence by party loyalists who don't necessarily even need to be told what
to do in order to assemble and in order to harass, bully dissidents and to do the work of the
Communist Party in other people's countries. This is a really pressing threat around the world.
Happily, let me give you some good news. I think that intelligence and security services around
the world are too slowly, but finally, realizing the severity of this problem. In the United Kingdom,
we had a very important parliamentary report on China. It was undertaken by the Intelligence
and Security Committee, and this was also 2023. And what they said was that China had penetrated
every sector of the United Kingdom economy, and they particularly pointed out the activity
of United Front related organizations. This is really serious stuff. It's extremely subtle.
It's surreptitious. The activities are very often not criminal. But over time, they soften the
opposition of our institutions and individuals to the designs of the Communist Party.
So let's just try to make it a bit clearer, because I think it's so important for people
to understand. You might have heard of the case of Yang Tianbo. He was a guy who was
not allowed to come back to the UK because he was suspected of spying. He was United Front
connected. He had been giving loads of money to Prince Andrew's charities, and he'd been doing
that over quite a long period of time. Well, what's wrong with that? You might ask. Where is
the criminal intent there? Well, if you are somebody who is able to do that, you're able to
develop leverage within prestigious organizations, then those organizations are not going to be
minded to tell the truth about China when they're called to. Not only that, they might facilitate
the activity of China in your country. And we've seen this happen throughout business,
both in the United States and in the United Kingdom and beyond, in some ways, especially in
Germany, where it was terrible in Africa. It's been totally deleterious to sovereignty in Pacific
Island nations. It's all over the world, this thing. We're talking tens of thousands of people
acting to soften the resistance of other countries to the strategies of the Communist Party of China,
and it has to be stood up to. Slowly, our intelligence and security services are getting
there, but much more needs to be done. Luke, I like how you talk about this,
it just added a little bit to my own thinking about the United Front. I sometimes describe to
American lawmakers how, imagine if we had a department or what you would call a ministry
in the UK, one of the best funded, in fact, in our country that was entirely committed
within the country to either subverting or, if subversion is impossible, destroying
all semblance of civil society. And of course, that's also externally in
Chinatowns and across the world and so forth. But there's this other element,
which really functions the same way. This is what you made me think of here,
that it's not really just necessarily civil society. It's the corporate sector. I guess
charities do fit into it. It's basically whatever institution can be softened, can be subverted,
can be softly parlayed into a tool of the regime. For a great example of this,
Confucius Institutes, many of which have now been renamed since the outcry against them.
Ostensibly on the surface, just institutions that provide a lot of funding to teach Chinese
for universities and schools in America and Canada and other places. But underneath it is
the party line of how you're allowed to talk about things. And it was amazing how these
institutions would just basically take that Beijing line because it came with money,
it came with some sort of diplomatic clout and connection. And it was almost silly how
easy it was for them to basically put this significant foothold across our countries.
It's so true. And the thing which is, for me, so worrisome about it is just how many sectors of
society we're talking about here. And you might think, oh, well, they'd be particularly interested
in high business. But it really is a whole-of-society approach, which for anybody who
is a student of China makes perfect sense because, of course, the whole-of-society approach, the
whole-of-state approach is exactly what China is deploying in order to procure their strategy
around the world. So there's almost no target too small. We've seen it from all of these
LinkedIn attacks where you have thousands of approaches that are made to people on LinkedIn
by United Front associates or even Ministry of State Security associates who are trying to lure
them into, I don't know, let's say a visit to China that might fill in some ways a benefit to
their career in the longer term or some kind of lucrative opportunity. Many, many people fall
for this stuff. It's a very low cost and high impact option if you're seeking to influence
people. So this stuff is going on all over the country all the time. But some of it's really
severe. I don't know if you had seen this remarkable story from the United States,
a great video which I encourage your listeners to look up. It's only about five minutes. It's
called The Great Coke Can Heist. Have you heard of this? It's incredible.
Tell me about it.
Well, what had happened is that somebody, presumably United Front-linked or perhaps even
working through straight-up espionage, but I think United Front-linked, Chinese national,
was working in the Coke factory. Now, Coke has a lining within its Coke cans to stop the Coke
from corroding the tin that it's in because it's a very strong liquid, apparently, so it needs that.
But this formula for this chemical to protect the cans was not known in China. So this person
stole it. But she stole it in a way which is almost hilariously traditional. It's very old
school espionage here. So it was in a case and there was money involved and et cetera, et cetera.
What is brilliant about this video, it's effectively a reveal by the FBI in their
interview of this person. And they say, you know, did you steal any secrets? And the answer was no.
OK, well, what's this in your briefcase? Was there any kind of contract with any authority in China
over the stealing of this secret? No. OK, well, what's this contract then? Was there any money
that exchanged hands? No, no money whatsoever. Well, what's this money that we found in your case?
And it goes through the video like that with the FBI revealing her lies at every single stage of
the interview until the point that she couldn't lie anymore. She was completely banged to rights
and she just remained silent. All of which is to say, look at her commitment. She was willing in
front of the FBI to continually lie right until the point that she couldn't lie anymore. And that
indicates what we're up against. We are up against a group of people so committed to the
party that they will behave in that way in your country. We've got to find a way of addressing it
that is commensurate with the scale of the problem. And we don't have that yet or anything
close to it. I was just interviewing the FBI director
here in Washington. And one of the things we discussed was, aside from people who have actually
been tried and convicted of espionage on the CCP side, they've actually had 62 removals of agents
in the last year. Just to the point of, and a number of these were working in the diplomatic
missions. Because if it's a removal, it's precisely what you were just describing. Someone
being dubbed persona non grata, sorry, you can't be here. You're doing things that are highly
inappropriate in a diplomatic position. This is not from the perspective of this giant UK embassy,
which of course will be staffed appropriately, as well as giant staff. This is not supposition.
This is very real. I totally agree with you. And I do want to
be hopeful because we should all admire our intelligence and security services. They have
a huge job here. Bear in mind, so much of the activity of the United Front is not even
illegal. The kind of influence work that is ongoing is not illegal. Only if you can prove
that it is in some way being done in order to further the interests of the CCP could it be
illegal. And that's a very, very hard thing to prove. So they have a tough job, a really tough
job, and I admire them. And I'm pleased that in many major democracies, certainly across the
Atlantic, the United Kingdom, the United States, they're a lot more interested in facing up to
this problem. We should be hopeful about that. The thing that I also find confusing
is your intelligence services in the UK have actually done some pretty good work,
some pretty revelatory work about the level of CCP infiltration, as you mentioned, for example,
in the economic sphere. Just again, on this kind of common sense grounds, given the level
of knowledge that your own intelligence services have and that have made publicly available even,
of course, what they have goes quite a bit beyond that. How is it that the CCP seems
to still be able to run effectively roughshod through the system?
This is such a great question because it goes to the heart of the malaise around China within
our political systems. For some reason, for some reason, the pleas of security services
fall on deaf ears. That's the simple answer to the question. And I can only assume that that's
for the usual reasons. And it's the same in Canada, I'll just mention. It's precisely the
situation. They know. They know exactly what's going on. And they're screaming it from the
rooftops. I don't know if you remember this. Two years ago, the MI5 and FBI chiefs made an
unprecedented joint statement saying China is the principal security threat. And they
particularly singled out United Front Work. I mean, what more do they have to do?
So they're screaming about it. It's very clear that they know the extent of the problem.
I think the issue is that when it comes to the political level,
candidly, there's extraordinary ignorance around China. I mean, people don't know or understand
what the party state is, what it intends to do, what its designs are for the United States or the
United Kingdom or the entire democratic world. And they labor under misapprehensions about China.
There's a lot of conceit from some of what I call the old guard, you know, people who are
presiding over that period of politics where people naively believed that China would change
its behavior as it entered into the World Trade Organization. And with economic opening up,
there would be a democratization in China. Those people are still around, you know,
and the conceits that they bring with them is that they're right about it. They're still right
about it, that you can engage with China as you would with France. France and China are in some
way comparable. They're comparable in the way that we can deal with them. Look, they've got
similar kinds of ministries and they talk about trade in similar kinds of ways. It totally belies
the actual nature of the party state. But those people are still around. And by the way, I'm not
joking about that. It was actually an ambassador to China who said to the former trade minister,
Liz Truss, exactly that. She was asked, how should we treat China? And the answer was like France.
That was the actual answer. So your question, how is it that we have this huge disconnect
between political strategy when it comes to China and what our intelligence and security services
actually know? Complex question to answer. I think it's partly down to the leverage that
China exacts. It's partly down to the carrots that it dangles around economic opportunities.
It's partly down to the blunt coercion that they've been willing to mete out to various
countries around the world. It's partly down to the conceit of the politicians who are still around
or the officials who are still around, who will not accept that they were wrong about China.
It's all of those things and many more. But it's not helping us at all. So people like me,
people like the many politicians in IPAC who do see the reality, who have a better appreciation
of the threat of the Chinese Communist Party, are very frustrated by this. It feels like
the dialogue of the deaf sometimes. It doesn't matter how much evidence you show them,
they're still going to plow ahead. This is, again, the subtitle of my book,
And the True Nature of America's Biggest Adversary. Of course, not just America's,
but it was written here, hence the Americans. It's this nature that we somehow as a society
can't grasp. I find this, of course, frustrating, but more just strange. Go ahead.
No, I agree with you. I think it's because we don't have governments like that. It's almost a,
if I can use it as a Latin phrase, a sui generis government. There's just nothing like this thing.
A huge party state pursuing a very disciplined whole of state approach, which is now wealthy
and is willing to use all of the tools to mobilise behind the protection of the party
and its interests internationally. Nobody else does that. It's quite hard to understand it. The
nature of government in China is very different. Let me give you a fun example relating to the
embassy. I was talking to somebody who was in the former Conservative government in the UK,
and they were engaging with China previously about the embassy. We have processes. We have
checks and balances like you do in the States. We have a planning permission process in the UK.
It's very arcane. It's very strange, but we do have that. In every meeting, Wang Yi or whoever
else was there would say to their British side, we don't believe you. You're ministers.
What's the point in being a minister if you can't just give us this? Don't talk to us about
processes. We don't believe this. They genuinely thought that the United Kingdom was pulling their
about it, about the fact that we had these processes, these checks and balances to go
through. In some ways, we perhaps don't give enough attention to the fact that these are very
incongruent systems. They're very, very different ways of looking at the world, very different ways
of looking at politics. Maybe that's something that's lost in the analysis too. Very different
ways of looking at human beings. Absolutely. This is the reason that I was driven into this
work, Jan. It wasn't for me initially about the broader security or economic questions. I was
driven into this work through human rights work. I ran an anti-slavery charity before doing this,
and I couldn't understand why the anti-slavery community was not talking about the biggest
incidents of state-sponsored slavery anywhere in the world. Couldn't understand it. So I started
talking about it, and then I found that I got a bit ostracized by people within the anti-slavery
community for doing that. I didn't understand that at the time. Happily, they're in a better
place now, but they weren't back then. And as an aside, there's a reason for that. It's because a
lot of the philanthropic capital which props up the anti-slavery movement is invested in China,
but that's a whole other story. So I realized, I think, that in order to address that huge issue,
and I was particularly exercised by what was happening in the northwest of China to Agus and
others, in order to address that issue, there needed to be cross-party international organization,
mobilization of politicians around the world. But then, and I think I'm not alone in this
realization, I think the more that you dig into the party-state system and its human rights abuses,
the more you realize that those abuses are economic problems as much as anything else,
in the sense that the massed forced labor, the huge state-sponsored forced labor problem they
have in China, is prosecuted for economic gain and everybody else benefits from it. One of the
reasons that Chinese imports are so cheap is, it's not just the manipulation of currency and
state capitalization, it's also massed forced labor. And the more that you look at various
iterations of human rights abuses in China, and the same goes with, of course, organ harvesting,
the more that you realize that you are dealing with economic problems in addition to human
dignity problems, in addition to human rights abuses. And it was really that realization that
made me think, okay, I need to get into this more to really understand it, because we are not going
to be able to address the human rights problems in isolation. China doesn't look at them in
isolation. China addresses these things, uses them as a part of a broader, unified, coherent,
cogent state strategy. That's why they do it. And we have to look at China in the same way.
That's why I started IPAC. It's about that. It's about saying, we're going to recognize you for
who you are, and we're going to use our tools to make sure that our governments don't fall
for this any longer. Luke, very powerful words. This has been
an absolutely fascinating conversation. Thank you for that. Perhaps a final thought as we finish?
I think what I would say to listeners, not just about IPAC, not just about these sorts of very
serious issues that we have discussed during this interview, what I'd say is that there's a lot of
But the main cause for hope is the principles which unite us as democracies. We now,
more perhaps than any time, certainly in my lifetime, and I would say in a couple of
generations, we now have to stand together as allied democracies more than ever before. We are
So we can take heart in, I think, the principles that bind us together, that orientate us as
communities, freedom, democracy, human rights. These aren't just words. These are the things
which really have knit us together as nations. And we have to defend those bonds, take pride in
those bonds, and know that those bonds eventually will win, but there's going to be some pain to
pass through, and we're going to have to pass through that together. So take heart in what
makes our nations strong, bind together, don't be intimidated, but particularly be courageous.
One of the, in my view, huge problems, challenges of this deep engagement with China and the
success of the United Front and the MSS work out of communist China has been actually eroding some
of those exact principles in our own societies. I mean, not with willing help from other bad actors,
I'm sure. And this is something, so it's interesting when I hear you saying those
things, it's sort of a call to arms, if you will, not just saying, look, we have this
massive adversary, but we need to revitalize our own belief in these structures.
I totally agree with you. People forget the power of those things. They lose
their value. They become devalued by being repeated. But we should all know and believe
these things—democracy, human dignity, human dignity, individual human dignity,
which they do not believe in. The Chinese Communist Party doesn't believe in individual
human dignity, democracy, freedoms, these freedoms. They are kryptonite to the Communist
Party of China. They will defeat it ultimately, but we have to believe in them. We have to strive
for them. And we have to honor the legacy of our forebears who died to protect them.
So I hope we'll recover some of the heart and commitment to those principles that our ancestors
showed. Luke DePulford, it's such a pleasure to have had you on.
Thank you so much for having me, Jan.
Thank you all for joining Luke DePulford and me on this episode of American Thought Leaders.
I'm your host, Jan Jekielek.