Trump's endorsement of Netanyahu is direct interference in Israeli politics, says analyst

We're going to bring in Yossi Mekelberg now. He is a Senior Consulting Fellow of the MENA program at Chatham House. He joins us from Kibbutz Geva in Israel. Thanks so much for being with us, Yossi. Now, before we get on to the election campaign, Netanyahu has met with Pete Hegseth. That comes a day or two after Donald Trump endorsed Netanyahu. What message does all of this send to voters? Is it consequential in any way, shape or form? Good evening. Thank you for having me. I think yes, I think the endorsement is a direct intervention in Israeli domestic politics. I can't think of any precedence in which a president of the United States, all had their favorites, but that is saying so openly who they supported in the election. Then the the visit by the Secretary of State, as it is, So the message is that the United States, for whatever reasons, prefer to have Netanyahu than an alternative government. It's not necessarily going to help Netanyahu. Some will see it as intervention in domestic politics and will reject it. It might consolidate the base of Netanyahu and some of the right wing parties But usually, you know, in any other circumstances, if anyone would have supported the opposition parties, Netanyahu and his political partners would be the first actually to condemn it, say that Israel is a sovereign state and an independent state and won't accept it. OK, I guess like any of these developments that come a week or so out from the election, we'll only find out once everyone has had the opportunity to vote. Now, many critics have called Netanyahu the king of security failures. They've tried to tag him with that label. Yet, as we keep seeing, he's polling very strongly. Why hasn't that failure from October the 7th, why hasn't that cost him more? I think this is a good question many of us ask ourselves. So I think we have to look at it in two ways. I think when you have a prime minister for so long who fashioned himself as Mr. Security, and since the failure of October 7, there were tactical achievements as well, but never translated into a strategical one, and the fronts are still open, then you ask yourself why the voters won't reject Netanyahu. But they're getting used to what they have and are not so sure what they get instead. But it's also, to a large extent, is a failure by the opposition to present a clear, coherent alternative also from security, because what we see is both sides that argue that the only way towards security is using military force. This is the only modus operandi when it comes to security. Well, actually, the reality that the most secure borders that Israel has, actually, it's the Jordan, along the Jordan border and the Egyptian border, when Israel signed peace agreement and made concession for peace. And this message is not drilling strongly enough in the campaign right now. It's not just about security, though. The Prime Minister's political future is not only a matter of whether voters like his policies. Benjamin Netanyahu is also facing legal issues at home and abroad. In Israel, he's still on trial for bribery, fraud and breach of trust. Netanyahu denies the charges, has asked for a presidential pardon, but the President has not decided on a pardon and the trial is on a fast-track schedule. Still, a ruling isn't expected until next year. If found guilty, though, Netanyahu may face prison time. And then abroad, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for him in 2024. That's restricted his ability to travel, but not to places like the United States, where Donald Trump welcomed him nine times in just the past two years. So you'll see, despite all of that, all of those issues that Netanyahu is facing, he still has a strong chance of extending his prime ministership. How has he defied all of this? Well, first of all, I think by any standards, probably Netanyahu at least should have suspended himself after he was indicted. And even in the Israeli basic law, every minister that is indicted for serious criminal offenses, the prime minister himself should fire them. But in a very weird term in the Israeli law, not the prime minister himself. Then, of course, the failure of October 7. Again, by any standards of colossal failure, as was October 7, you would expect the prime minister not to last very long. But Israeli politics operates very differently as a majority. The far right within the government knows that if Netanyahu goes, there's probably no chance to be in government. They saw there's time in government and to make the changes, whether it's in the West Bank, in Gaza, and in other places. And they propped him up for the following three years. Now, if you look at public opinion, Netanyahu doesn't have a majority. The opposition doesn't have a majority. But if the opposition will take a different stance, and instead of rejecting the parties, what are called the Arab parties, the parties that represent the Palestinian citizens of Israel, There is actually a majority of the opposition, which will end the premiership and the leadership of Netanyahu. So there is a way, actually, to end Netanyahu's time in government. But the opposition should be brave, and the day after the election, actually to form a government, at least with some of the other parties. OK, thank you so much, Yossi. Yossi Mekelberg for us there in Kibbutz Giva. Thank you. Thank you.