《文化大革命十年史》- 高皋&严家其 - 第一篇 第九章在搏斗中下沉[莫寂读书]

The 9th chapter ended in a fight, and the result of the counterattack in February was to put many party-political leaders who were at the highest leadership level in China in a position of extreme danger. On the surface, their reputation was sealed. They were forced to say too much, like Tan Zhenlin, and the courage to speak directly was hurt. In other words, those who dared to speak a few fair words for Liu Shaoqi may disappear for the time being. Therefore, any hint of an upgrade to Liu Shaoqi's problems will lead to a vicious explosion of the anti-Liu sentiment of the people who are mobilized. Let's first look back at some of the situations of Liu Shaoqi before and after the counterattack in February. In 1966, it ended in a shout of beating Liu, Deng. But Lin Biao, Director Jiang Qing and Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping's fight for life and death is still going on. In December 1966, Jiang Qing and other members of the Central Cultural Revolution came to Tsinghua University to look for Liu Shaoqi and his daughter Liu Tao, who was born before Wang Qian. On behalf of the Party Central Committee, Chairman Mao Zedong revealed to him the beating of Liu, Deng, and some of the love and the final goal. Jiang Qing advised Liu Tao not to abandon his stepmother, to keep his father, and to draw a clear line with his family. He also said, your birth mother was suppressed, and I have been suppressed for decades. You should go and see your birth mother. It is very difficult for the people to criticize Liu Tao and his stepbrother, Liu Yunzhen, for having a high-ranking national chairman father, to criticize his life as a child, to be seen as the embodiment of truth by them, and to teach their grown-up biological father. However, in the age of Mao Zedong, the attitude towards biological fathers has become a measure of whether they are a true revolution or a counterrevolution. Therefore, they can only take Meng Long, who must criticize his biological father, but must also have a firm and unwavering faith, to visit his birth mother on New Year's Day in 1967, in order to absorb some of the power of criticizing his father from his mother. Liu Tao and Liu Yunzhen summarized the conversations with Wang Qian and some of the problems they inferred, and looked at Liu Shaoqi's ugly soul's big newspaper. On January 3, 1967, three copies of the ceremony were posted separately at the entrance of Qinghua University, Zhongnanhai, and Zhigong canteens. Later, the news was circulated, and a large number of red guards and small newspapers were printed, and it quickly spread throughout the country. When it seemed that there was a source of information that appeared in front of the people, Liu Shaoqi's image in the hearts of the Chinese people was suddenly tainted. Just because the big newspaper came from the hands of Liu Shaoqi's biological children, Liu Shaoqi's family had a crack, and Liu Shaoqi's spirit was unbearable. While Jiang Qing's shareholder Liu Shaoqi's biological children rose up and rebelled, the rebellion team in Zhongnanhai also launched an attack on Liu Shaoqi. Liu Shaoqi, the president of the country who died in the name of survival, was treated with unbelievable treatment. On January 1, 1967, at 6 a.m., the sky was just bright, and the two people living in Zhongnanhai opened the door of Liu Shaoqi's house, and posted a lot of big slogans on the wall, and wrote on the yard with a pen and ink, Who is against Mao Zedong's ideas? There is no good end. After dinner on January 3, 20 or 30 people from the rebellion team in Zhongnanhai broke into Liu Shaoqi's house again, ordering Liu Shaoqi and Wang Guangmei to stand at the door of the corridor and receive a 40-minute interrogation. On the spot, they also forced Liu Shaoqi to recite Mao Zedong's writings, and ordered Liu Shaoqi to read the big newspaper in front of Huainan Hall every day. In the whole society, Liu Shaoqi still maintains a kind of imaginary balance, and the public dare not take direct action against him. And his children were forced to be examined and beaten in various different places and occasions. His wife could not escape the fate of being beaten. On the evening of January 6, Wang Guangmei received a phone call at home, saying that his daughter had been crushed by a car on her way home from school, and needed to be taken away, and was waiting for her parents to sign in the emergency room of the People's Hospital. Liu Shaoqi, as a father, instinctively responded, and went to the hospital right away. Wang Guangmei didn't expect Zhou Enlai to repeatedly tell him not to let him leave Zhongnanhai, and was a little hesitant. Liu Shaoqi said without thinking, If you don't go, I'll go. Such a small child fought for me, Liu Shaoqi. Wang Guangmei immediately drove to the hospital, did not see the injured daughter, but saw the son and another daughter who were detained as hostages in the hospital. It turned out that this was a trap set by the students of Tsinghua University under Jiang Qing's incitement, in order to lure Wang Guangmei out of Zhongnanhai, and to play a play to capture Wang Guangmei. But when Tsinghua students accidentally saw Liu Shaoqi, who came with Wang Guangmei, they were a little surprised. They didn't expect such an embarrassing and unprepared scene, because Liu Shaoqi was still the president after all. In a moment of shock, Liu Shaoqi's son told his mother, They are here to catch you. Wang Guangmei, who had completely calmed down at this time, said to a large group of opponents in front of him, Not all of Wang Guangmei's go. Liu Shaoqi left the hospital with his children and staff, leaving Wang Guangmei alone. So he was taken to Tsinghua University to prepare for a fight, and forced to write four guarantees. Under Zhou Enlai's personal intervention, Wang Guangmei returned to Zhongnanhai's house again the next morning. Although it was a false alarm, it was really scary. From the next day, Beijing's red-guards reported that they had seen Wang Guangmei's passing. Faced with young students under the influence of others, Liu Shaoqi's family was like living in a pot of boiling oil. In the climax of the Cultural Revolution, Liu Shaoqi and Mao Zedong's meeting to slander Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping's influence among the public. On January 10, 1967, Beijing Xinhua Bookstore and the transportation company took photos of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping at Tian'anmen Square, and sent notices to Xinhua Bookstore all over the country. This nationwide move undoubtedly seriously damaged Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping's spirits. Wang Guangmei is still alarmed by Liu Shaoqi's situation, and through the channels he should go through, it was passed on to Mao Zedong. We don't know the depth and breadth of Mao Zedong's understanding of this matter. However, the following week, late at night on January 13, Mao Zedong waited in the People's Congress Hall for his secretary to take a small car to pick up Liu Shaoqi for a conversation. The first thing he asked was, is my leg okay? From this point of view, Mao Zedong also thought that on January 6th, Liu Shaoqi was alarmed, and this matter must be settled by him. During this meeting, Mao Zedong's attitude was kind. It seemed that nothing unpleasant had happened to Liu Shaoqi. He made a mistake. He should bear the main responsibility for this wrong path. He also solemnly proposed to resign from the position of national chairman, central committee, and Mao Zedong's position as chief editor of the editorial board, willing to go to Yan'an or his hometown with his wife and children to be an ordinary citizen. Mao Zedong listened to Liu Shaoqi's words, and said that Liu Shaoqi's work was a very talented leader of the Chinese Communist Party. Later, he went to Yan'an to work with Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai, and worked together to lead the Chinese revolution. From April 23, 1945 to June 11, the night before the victory of the anti-Japanese war, the 7th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party was held in Yan'an. At the meeting, on the basis of Mao Zedong's ideas, Liu Shaoqi proposed that Mao Zedong's ideas were the guiding principles of the Party, the guiding principle of all the work of the Party, and wrote it into the Party seal. Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Chinese Communist Party became more solid, and his relationship with Liu Shaoqi became closer. After the national liberation in 1949, Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi worked closely with the Party and other leaders of the country to work hard and achieved commendable achievements. It was because of the understanding of Liu Shaoqi in cooperation that in 1959, for various reasons, Mao Zedong decided to retire and held the second National People's Congress held in April. Liu Shaoqi was elected as the President of the People's Republic of China. The economic difficulties caused by the many exaggeration of the Great Leap Forward posed a lot of problems for our Party and the country's economic and material shortcomings. From January 11, 1962 to February 7, the CPC Central Committee held an extensive work conference and a 7,000-person conference in Beijing. Mao Zedong correctly understood the objective rules of socialist construction and made self-criticism. Faced with national difficulties, the Chinese leaders united and finally overcame this difficulty. Mao Zedong was very clear that it included a lot of labor that many central leaders had to go through. It should be said that Mao Zedong's cooperation with Liu Shaoqi has always been effective. Liu Shaoqi in front of us can only make a wish for ordinary people. Mao Zedong thought for a long time and did not answer Liu Shaoqi's resignation or mention Liu Shaoqi's mistakes. He just suggested that Liu Shaoqi read a few books seriously. He also personally sent Liu Shaoqi to the door and politely said when Liu Shaoqi's family was celebrating Mao Zedong's ever-provocative criticism, maybe it would give them some comfort and hope. The rebels in the South China Sea rushed into Liu Shaoqi's residence and claimed to rush into the office. The rebels also posted big words and big slogans everywhere, and even made Liu Shaoqi and Wang Guangmei stand on a legless table and fight. Liu Shaoqi's answer to all this could only be that he had violated Mao Zedong's thoughts. I have never opposed Chairman Mao, but there have been disagreements at work. On the morning of the fourth day after talking to Mao Zedong, the rebels in the South China Sea broke into Liu Shaoqi's office and wanted to withdraw the phone call. Liu Shaoqi argued that this was a call from the Politburo, and Zhou Enlai did not personally comment on it. The next day, Mao Zedong's supporters finally broke off Liu Shaoqi's call. From then on, Liu Shaoqi could no longer contact Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and other leaders. Liu Shaoqi's situation became even more difficult. At that time, all the red guards were shouting slogans such as defeating Liu Shaoqi and eliminating Liu Shaoqi. Liu Shaoqi's son, Liu Yunruo, was also arrested by the Public Security Department on February 4, 1967. After a series of counterattacks since mid-February to late March, the organization of a self-imposed attack on Liu Shaoqi was no longer mature. The Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission expanded the meeting to summarize the counterattack on February 2 and a new attack on Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. At the meeting, Lin Biao criticized the so-called anti-Eastern system implemented by Deng Xiaoping for decades. Mao Zedong pointed out that Liu Shaoqi was talking about deceiving people. This book is anti-Marxism. It does not talk about the class struggle in reality, it does not talk about the struggle for power, it only talks about personal cultivation. What personal cultivation? Everyone is a class person without isolation. It talks about the way of Confucius. It can be accepted from feudalism to capitalism. At that time, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China published a large article criticizing the anti-Eastern system on the issue of cadres. The title of the book was Betrayal of the Proletariat. It revealed Mao Zedong's spirit of criticism. At the same time, Mao Zedong also used the comments on the video of the Communist Party of China to launch a larger-scale psychological attack on Liu Shaoqi. The title of the video of the Communist Party of China was published at the beginning of the year by Yao Wenyuan to attack Taozhu. In 1954, when Yao Wenyuan criticized Yu Pingbo's Hong Long Meng research, he quoted Mao Zedong's words in black and white. Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China were criticized by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also criticized Mao Zedong's comments on the video of the Communist Party of China. The so-called Sixty-One Traitors, patriotism or patriotism, Yiwen raised the issue of traitors. No one went to investigate the truth. The frenzy of the times urged people to take the words of Qi Bengyu, who had a significant social impact, as a holy jade and followed his prescribed path. In fact, the traitor case mentioned by Qi Bengyu was intentionally raised as a holy jade. The so-called Sixty-One Traitors case was opened to the public in order to be the evidence of Liu Shaoqi's case. It started in 1966. Not long after the meeting in August 11, Kang Sheng raised the so-called Sixty-One Traitors case for the first time. He ordered the office of the Pengzhen case team to investigate this matter and together with other members of the Central Cultural Revolution, he asked the Red Guards who supported some schools to expose the Sixty-One Traitors case to the public. Zhou Enlai thought that it violated the basic principles of the party and made it clear again and again that the so-called Sixty-One Traitors case was clear to the central government. When the Red Guards investigated Liu Lantao, the first secretary of the Northwest Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, and Zhao Linshi, on November 30, 1966, Zhou Enlai personally sent a telegram to the Red Guards of Jilin Normal University and reiterated that the central government knew about the issue of Zhao Lin. He said that he hoped that the central government would not publish and investigate and not spread flyers and write slogans. In December 1966, Xu Bing, who personally handled the issue of Bo Yibo and others, now brought it up again in the Cultural Revolution. So he repeated the situation that the central government had decided at the time. The result was a big cry. The members of the Central Cultural Revolution Group repeatedly instigated the Red Guards to investigate the Sixty-One Traitors case. Zhou Enlai approved Bo Yibo, who went to Guangzhou to recuperate, to be taken to Beijing by the Red Guards. In January 1967, Zhou Enlai publicly confirmed that the Red Guards had found out that An Ziwen had rebelled. He also said that Liu Shaoqi was the largest organizer of the rebellion. On February 12, 1967, the official said in a speech to representatives of the People's Liberation Army that An Ziwen, Bo Yibo, and Liu Lantao had taken over the organizational department, the supervisory committee, and the public security department, etc. On March 16, 1967, the Red Guards seized the highest leadership of the Cultural Revolution, and used the name of the Central Committee to issue a document in Chinese on March 96 to the Pengzhen Special Investigation Team to conduct a preliminary investigation into the rebellion of Bo Yibo, Liu Lantao, An Ziwen, and Yang Xianzhen. The Sixty-One Traitors Group was designated as the group. The Red Guards magazine published an article in Qibanyu on April 1 to publicly raise the issue of the rebellion, in order to make the people who do not know the truth set fire to the Sixty-One Traitors Group with an irresistible fervor. Qibanyu's public announcement of anti-communism declared a resolute anti-communist. What the hell is going on? In January 1931, the Chinese Communist Party held the Sixth Fourth Plenary Session in Shanghai. In February, a new provincial committee was established in Beijing. The new provincial committee was greatly damaged during the Tianjin meeting. The secretary of the provincial committee and a group of party members were arrested. Some of the unarrested people were moved to Beiping and Beijing to set up a new provincial committee. Not long after, three or four hundred people were arrested, of which more than sixty were regarded as stubborn by the Kuomintang. In addition, more than fifty people were appointed to the provincial committee, the municipal committee, the secretary of the special committee, the secretary-general, the minister, the chief of staff, the member of the Central Committee, and the secretary of the Municipal Committee. In August of the same year, a prison was set up in Beijing's Caolanzi Hutong. The prison was controlled by the Northeast Army. Not long after, the Beiping soldiers rebelled. At the beginning of the year, the Kuomintang asked the Tianzhu teachers to teach them a lesson At the end of the year, the Nanjing Military Commission sent Liu Jianqun, the chief of the Military Commission, to Beiping, saying that this would not work, and announced a counter-execution. Six months were set as a period, one period was not executed, and two periods, and three periods were not executed. From 1931 to August 1936, about 400 political prisoners were locked up. Of these people, more than 300 volunteered or were mobilized by their families to issue anti-Communist signs. Bo Yibo and others stayed in the prison for three or four years. They adhered to the principles of the Party and fought with the enemy relentlessly. They secretly established the Central Committee and got in touch with the party organizations outside the prison. They issued red flags on the anti-Communist signs that said, Hello, Enemy! Many people had already served their sentence and were not allowed to sign. They were either promoted by the Central Committee or turned into party members. They also carried out a variety of forms of struggle against the abuse and persecution in the prison. At the end of 1934, a desperate struggle lasted seven days and seven nights. According to a document signed by Song Zheyuan on September 11, 1936, Liu Shaoqi did not want to reflect on his death. In November 1935, Liu Shaoqi became the representative of Tianjin to host the work of the Northern Bureau. At that time, the responsible cadres of the Northern Bureau were Kou Ching-shi, the organization minister, Lin Feng, etc. Due to the Japanese invasion of Hubei, the nationwide anti-Japanese rescue movement generally rose, and many work needed party cadres to do. However, due to the lack of cadres, Liu Shaoqi almost became the commander-in-chief of Guanggan and his work could not be carried out. In this case, Kou Ching-shi suggested to Liu Shaoqi to make a decision and report to the central government. At that time, Zhang Wentian, who was the general secretary, approved this decision on behalf of the party central government. Kou Ching-shi, through Xu Bing, at that time, took the name of teaching at the University of China, and actually did the leadership work of the top people in society, so that Kong Xiangzhen, who had served as the secretary of the branch in the Reflection House, spiritually notified the branch of the Reflection House about the decision of the central government. Half a month later, there was no response. Kong Xiangzhen copied the decision of the central government and sent it to Yuzhong. After reading the letter, the person in charge of Yuzhong Party branch doubted this matter for three or four days. In the end, he thought that the central government and the Northern Bureau would never make this decision, so he refused to carry it out and did not discuss it. Three months later, Liu Shaoqi and others wrote a second letter to the prison through Kong Xiangzhen, emphasizing that it was an order from the central government. They also said that after the last letter, they had not seen you for three months, so they gave you the following instructions. According to the needs of the new political situation and tasks, considering that you have been tested by long-term struggle, the Party believes that in order to strive for you to come out and work for the Party as soon as possible, you can not only do it, but also have to carry out the first-aid procedures for the enemy. This is in the best interest of the Party. The Party believes that you have persisted in the past that you did not press the handprint on the anti-Communist march of the enemy and did it completely correctly. But your struggle at that time was still a small circle, a small-scale struggle. Now it requires you to come out and fight in a large-scale struggle. Now the situation has changed. The Kuomintang has come out of its comfort zone and has become accustomed to the anti-Communist march. It is precisely because you have been tested by long-term struggle that you have more conditions. This is a decision made under specific conditions. The Party is now assuring you that the central government is fully responsible politically and organically. Politically, it does not discriminate against you in terms of traitors. You have to believe the central government. If you still refuse to carry out this letter, you will make a bigger and more serious mistake. According to the content of the letter and according to other ways to get wind of the news, the Central Party Department of the People's Party of China affirmed the central government's decision to hand over the content of the letter to all party members to discuss, unanimously agree and determine. This is done mainly according to the principle of party-personal obedience to the organization. From August 31, 1936 to March 1937, nine party members of the People's Party of China went to the Reflection House for two or three days after which they immediately connected with the party organization and were arranged to work in time. There were 61 people in total. The leaders of the central party have always been very clear about this matter. During the seven-day session of the party, the seven representatives of the committee made the conclusion that 12 representatives and two deputies were not responsible and were qualified to represent. The above is the context of the anti-communist incident mentioned in the letter. The person in charge of carrying out the anti-communist incident procedure was indeed Liu Shaoqi. However, it was carried out after the Party Central Committee formally approved it. In theory, Jiang Jingyihuo wanted to put Liu Shaoqi to death and tried as much as possible to frame Liu Shaoqi. From this matter, Wang Guangmei, who used the traitor case to put Liu Shaoqi to death, must be implicated. This may be the so-called Zhu Lian in Chinese feudal tradition. In April 1967, it was obvious that after careful planning and the full support of the Central Cultural Revolution Team, the so-called 300,000 people who were hosted by the Red Guards of Tsinghua University held a meeting in the garden of Tsinghua. Wang Guangmei's car left Zhongnanhai at 6 a.m. and went straight to Tsinghua. Wang Guangmei was trapped in a room on the 7th floor of the main building of Tsinghua University where the Red Guards were sitting. Wang Guangmei was forced to wear a pair of torn socks and high heels and a cheongsam worn by Wang Guangmei and a large necklace made by ping-pong balls. It should be noted that Wang Guangmei wore a necklace. In May 1963, Liu Shaoqi and his wife Wang Guangmei visited several countries in Southeast Asia. Before Wang Guangmei went abroad, Wang Guangmei told his wife not to wear a necklace. Wang Guangmei agreed. When Jiang Qing saw Wang Guangmei wearing a necklace at a banquet in Burma, Jiang Qing's organs were about to explode. He remembered Wang Guangmei's photo with Liu Shaoqi hanging on the most famous street in Indonesia. Wang Guangmei's clothes and a large number of cameras left an indelible impression on the Chinese people. His heart was filled with hatred. In early 1965, when Wang Guangmei asked Liu Shaoqi for political reasons and Liu Shaoqi scolded him ruthlessly, he was determined to use the necklace incident Wang Guangmei's wife said, I won't let Wang Guangmei wear a necklace. She didn't listen to me. Wang Guangmei's wife seemed to have been greatly deceived and greatly insulted. Wang Guangmei's wife seemed to have been greatly deceived and greatly insulted. Wang Guangmei's wife seemed to have been greatly deceived and greatly insulted. The demonstration was actually in the middle of the people were moving in the entire crowd to turn a blind eye to Wang Guangmei. Peng Zhen, Luo Dingyi, Bo Yibo, Jiang Nanxiang, etc. wereти Liu Shaoqi He didn't say a word after he heard it, and he couldn't swallow his dinner. The next day, Wang Guangmei's large-scale comic book, which was disguised by Hong Weibing, was posted all over the streets of Beijing. Hong Weibing's small newspaper is still the best tool to promote propaganda to the whole country at that time. Qi Benyu's article not only uglified Liu Shaoqi, but also urged Hong Weibing to take action to uglify Wang Guangmei. In fact, Qi Benyu's article is just a propaganda draft of the Central Cultural Revolution. Its introduction made almost all members of the Central Cultural Revolution believe that it is a trick of truth to continue to play with lies and repeat them a thousand times. In April 1967, at the military-military expansion meeting, Jiang Jingyao shouted, If it weren't for them, how could Zhihong Weibing get that traitor group? Kangsheng said, These 60 people in Beijing are just an example of Liu Shaoqi's rebellious organization route. On May 6th, when Kangsheng met with all members of the Central Organizational Department, he said, It's hard to open. On May 8th, Beihang, Hongqi, they organized 36 special cases and 61 people. In early 1936, the Joint Investigation Team of the Reflection House to Arrest Traitors should learn from them. Under the instruction of the Central Cultural Revolution's main members to confuse people's minds and secretly plan, Organizations all over the country have set up to arrest traitors. They dug up all the questions that had been concluded in the past. They even framed and framed them up. They were active in the issue of traitors. In a period of time, the traitors came down from above. The largest and smallest of the various unit groups carried out the Xiahua County Movement, leading to the situation of large and small traitors flying all over the sky. In the face of this chaotic situation, especially at the end of September or the end of June, when some important members of the Central Cultural Revolution group may be in danger, the CPC Central Committee had no choice but to issue a notice on arresting traitors. Under the premise that Liu Shaoqi was in charge of the 61-man group of traitors, it was necessary to curb the trend of infinite expansion of the traitorous side. However, the wind of the traitor did not really kill. However, the 61-man case became an iron case. Of course, Liu Shaoqi was designated as the leader of the traitors above the 61 people. The semi-prison life was blackened by the theory and actions of patriotism or patriotism. At this time, Liu Shaoqi continued to sink in the struggle with his opponent. He actually lived a semi-prison life. In addition to reading the newspaper every day, reading the big newspaper in the Central and South China Sea Grand Courtyard, his living place was his home. The people he could see were relatives who lived together. The workers and the rebels who ran into him from time to time. His greatest comfort may be that he believed that history would only move forward, and his children would grow up.