"10 Naram-Sin, Gutians, climate change, Gudea of Lagash, Sumerian Renaissance"

Alien Civilization Uncovered
6 followers
6 Video Views·Oct 18, 2024
People often say that history repeats itself, but it really doesn't.
If it did, historians could get rich predicting the future.
Each time a set of circumstances looks similar to another event in the past,
there are actually a lot of differences.
Technology has changed since that past event,
or groups of people are facing different challenges or have different goals.
All kinds of things can influence what happens next, and almost none of it can be predicted.
Politicians also often say that history teaches us something,
but there are examples in history of just about every possible scenario.
So, for example, someone might say that history teaches us that a wide gap
between rich and poor in a society leads to rebellions by the poor,
except that sometimes history teaches us that it doesn't.
One thing in history does seem to repeat itself.
Every powerful kingdom, empire, or state eventually falls, and others rise.
The reasons may differ, but no state has managed to defy this inevitability.
It's an interesting phenomenon.
Ever since Edward Gibbon published the first volume
of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire in 1776,
historians have returned over and over
to the reasons for the decline and fall of great states.
The Akkadian Empire of ancient Mesopotamia is of particular interest
because it was the world's first empire,
and its kings, Sargon and Naram-Sin, have been remembered for thousands of years.
The Mesopotamians themselves were sure the gods were behind
the eventual collapse of the empire around 2150 BCE.
Of course, in their eyes, the gods were responsible for absolutely everything.
If your crops did well, you should thank the gods.
If your crops failed, you should try to appease the gods.
If a king wanted to conquer a neighboring city,
he had the diviners check the omens and the signs to see if the gods approved.
If he was successful in his conquest, he credited the god of his city
with prevailing over the god of the other city.
Things got more complicated when the omens said
the king's army would win and the army was defeated.
The omens couldn't be wrong, but the diviner could have read them incorrectly,
or the gods could have changed their minds.
And what about a situation in which a kingdom was attacked from outside?
There wasn't much you could do but to pray to the gods,
provide them with offerings, prepare your defenses,
and hope that the gods were on your side.
But what if an attack happened, your city was ravaged,
the king was deposed, and citizens were taken away as prisoners of war
to become servants and slaves to the conquerors?
How in the world did this make sense?
Your city gods were supposed to protect you.
Usually, people concluded not that their own gods were weaker
than the other people's gods.
Instead, they concluded that their own gods must have been angry with them.
Someone must have done something to really upset them.
This is what the Mesopotamians believed about the end of the Akkadian Empire.
The fact is that the capital city of Agade was attacked
and its rule over Mesopotamia came to an end.
This must have seemed incomprehensible at the time.
The Akkadian Empire was a huge power.
Its king was believed to be a god and yet the empire collapsed
and the land ended up being divided into smaller kingdoms.
Someone must have upset the gods.
A later poem called The Curse of Agade
blamed King Naram-Sin for angering the gods
and bringing about the empire's destruction.
Naram-Sin was the grandson of Sargon and, like his grandfather,
Naram-Sin spent a lot of time fighting,
putting down rebellions, and trying to keep the empire together.
Unlike some earlier kings,
Naram-Sin didn't want to be remembered as a shepherd of his people.
He'd prefer to be feared.
According to the authors of the poem,
Naram-Sin broke all kinds of taboos,
including destroying a temple
and letting people see the most holy part of it,
a place that never sees the light,
the place where the statue of Enlil was kept.
Enlil was the king of the gods and his city was called Nippur.
The poets said that Naram-Sin
made the temple collapse like a city in a flood storm.
In a way, Naram-Sin had destroyed the old temple,
but he did so as part of a magnificent renovation project.
He built a brand new temple in its place,
decorated with incredible amounts of gold,
silver and copper statues and fittings.
It was an act of devotion, not sacrilege.
But the poem's authors believed
Enlil was furious at what Naram-Sin had done.
They wrote,
Enlil, because his beloved Acre temple had been destroyed,
what should he destroy in turn for it?
They believed that the answer
was that Enlil decided to punish King Naram-Sin
by destroying his capital city of Agade.
Specifically, the authors said
the gods summoned foreigners, Gutians,
from the mountains to swarm down
into the Mesopotamian river valley.
In an ancient poem, the Gutians were described this way.
They were, and I quote,
beings not considered people,
not counted as a land.
Gutium, a race who knows no order,
made like humans,
but with the brains of dogs,
the shapes of apes.
It's interesting that the authors of the poem
called the Gutians a race who knows no order.
The people of Mesopotamia prized order so much,
and they saw the Gutians as a force of chaos.
Enlil wasn't rewarding the Gutians in this story.
They were just a tool that he used
in order to punish the Akkadians.
Other records confirm that the attack on Agade
was indeed by the Gutians,
who came from the Zagros mountains.
But it didn't happen until quite a while
after the reign of Naram-Sin,
which ended around 2218 BCE.
And the Gutians weren't the barbarians
that the poem described.
They had an organized military
and a king to lead them.
What follows in the poem is a textbook example
of chaos to Mesopotamian eyes.
All normal order was turned upside down.
The fields didn't produce grain.
Prices went up.
Brothers turned against one another.
Strong men became weak.
Weeds grew over the streets.
And no one could find a place to live in the city.
Everything was destroyed.
This was almost certainly an exaggeration,
but it reflects the sense of crisis that they felt.
Needless to say,
modern historians don't think the empire fell
because Enlil was angry.
Something else is required
to adequately explain things.
Even though every empire eventually falls,
each one does so for different reasons.
And when examining the Akkadian empire,
the reasons for its failure
are fascinating to explore.
The last king of the Akkadian empire
was named Shahr-Khali-Shahri,
the son of Naram-Sin.
But we don't know a lot about him
because there are few records from his reign.
Perhaps he was a successful king
who was able to hold the empire together
and it fell apart only after his death.
Or it could be that Agade was conquered
during his lifetime.
For a long time,
scholars have been exploring other reasons
behind the collapse of the empire,
reasons in addition to the Gutian invasion,
and reasons that help explain
the success of that invasion.
What made Mesopotamia so vulnerable
at this particular time?
There had always been raiders
from the mountains.
So what made it possible
for them to successfully invade
at the end of the reign of Shahr-Khali-Shahri?
Rebellions were quite common
throughout the time of the Akkadian empire
and some are well known.
King Naram-Sin himself
boasted about putting one of them down.
So loyalty to the empire
was probably always limited.
The provincial leaders
would have been unlikely to fight
on behalf of the Akkadian kings
if those kings seemed weak.
Besides, many local kings
did keep their thrones during the empire.
This might have been a popular move.
People would have appreciated
if their local leader didn't change
when the city was conquered
by the Akkadian kings.
But it would also have meant
that the local leader
might try to reclaim his city's independence
at any time.
In 1993,
an archaeologist at Yale University
named Harvey Weiss
published an earth-shaking article
in the journal Science.
Weiss and his six co-authors
proposed a new explanation
for the collapse of the Akkadian empire.
They'd been working at Akkadian-period sites
in northern Syria,
an area where ancient farming
was based on rainfall.
And they found that many cities there
had been abandoned
starting around 2200 BCE
because of a period of intense drought.
They believed as many as 100,000 people
might have become refugees
because of this climatic change.
And these people presumably
would have moved south into Mesopotamia.
Weiss and his colleagues
also proposed
that the Akkadian empire
was dependent for much of its grain
on this region of north Syria,
and that the drought
could have had a powerful economic impact
on the imperial administration.
Even the Gutian invasion
might have occurred
due to the Gutians
being affected by the drought
and being forced
to move away
from their dustbowl farms.
Even more striking
was the author's suggestion
that this drought
didn't just cause
the end of the Akkadian empire.
It might also have brought an end
to the old kingdom in Egypt,
the Harappan civilization
in the Indus River Valley,
and could have caused the collapse
of states in the Aegean region
and the southern Levant as well.
There's plenty of evidence
for the drought now.
It definitely happened
between 2200 and 1900 BCE.
Since the time the article came out,
researchers have studied sediment cores
from the Gulf of Oman,
the Persian Gulf,
the Dead Sea,
and other bodies of water,
and they found a spike
in windblown dust
during this period.
Windblown dust
would have been a symptom
of a loss of vegetation,
which would have been caused
by the drought.
A big question, though,
is what caused the drought?
In the original article,
the scientists described evidence
of volcanic dust in glass
at a number of sites in Syria.
An analysis showed parallels
to dust from volcanoes to the north
in what is now Turkey.
A big volcanic eruption
can change the local climate
for decades,
and this might be what happened.
In any event,
most archaeologists and historians
who study the ancient Near East
are united in thinking
that the many states
that collapsed around 2200 BCE
might have had environmental crises
to deal with,
not just political ones.
Even so,
the drought might not have been
as catastrophic
as scholars originally thought.
Some archaeologists have found
that plenty of sites
in northern Syria
continued to be occupied.
Others argue
that even if the drought was terrible,
the Akkadian Empire
wasn't all that dependent
on grain from northern Syria,
after all.
Not enough, anyway,
to have crippled the empire's economy.
So we're left with a lot of questions,
and also some important new ways
of trying to answer them.
Research has gone
in a great many different directions
in recent years,
and historians and archaeologists
are working closely
with scientists
in many different fields.
More evidence will no doubt emerge
and will help us understand
what was going on.
Scientists on excavations today
look at just about everything
you could imagine
and provide us
vastly more information
than used to be possible.
Pollen and carbonized seeds
can tell us
what grew in the region.
Residues inside pots
can tell us
what people ate and drank.
DNA from skeletons
can tell us
where the people came from,
and so on.
So, going back to the collapse
of the Akkadian Empire,
more than one thing
could have caused it.
Maybe it happened
because of a domino effect
of several problems and crises.
But then, you could also look at it
another way
and say the empire
was a giant experiment
from the start
and it didn't stand much chance
of working for long.
This kind of extended
territorial state
had never existed before
in human history.
Some scholars don't think
the Akkadian Empire
even merits the term empire,
because many structures
and institutions
that defined later empires
hadn't been invented yet.
Sargon and his descendants
were in uncharted territory,
and it's hardly surprising
that the state they created
was rather fragile.
Perhaps the surprise
isn't that this civilization fell,
but that it had survived
for any length of time at all
before falling.
After the reign
of King Sharkali Shari
and the invasion of the Gutians
around 2100 BCE,
it's unclear who ruled
the region around Agadir.
The later Sumerian king list
mentions this period
in its chronicle of the many kings
and dynasties of Mesopotamia.
I love the way
the author of the list
tries to capture
the uncertainty of this era.
He wrote,
Who was king?
Who was not king?
It must have been a chaotic time
with many claimants to the throne.
When the dust settled,
the region was no longer unified.
But a much smaller kingdom
was still centered on Agadir
and was ruled by a king named Dudu,
the Gutians had a separate state
and other independent kingdoms
dotted the region
that had previously
been subject to Agade.
Although history books
tend to emphasize the times
when big parts of Mesopotamia
were unified under territorial states,
like the Akkadian Empire
and later the Ur III kingdom,
the times of smaller kingdoms
were much more common
and typical for this region.
In this, Mesopotamia
was different from Egypt.
Throughout most of ancient history
until the 11th century BCE,
all of Egypt was usually united
under a single king.
The times when this was not true
are called the intermediate periods
and later Egyptian writers
thought of them as chaotic
and disorienting.
But Mesopotamia was not often unified.
And, perhaps surprisingly,
it seems that people's lives
didn't change much,
no matter whether they lived
under a local kingdom
or a larger empire.
They still farmed and paid taxes
and were recruited for labor projects
and called up into the military
from time to time.
At the end of the Akkadian Empire,
the drought in the north
certainly made life
more difficult in that region.
But the same doesn't seem
to have been true in the south.
If anything,
the people of southern Mesopotamia
seemed to have been
better off economically
toward the end of the Akkadian period
than they'd been during its height.
And local leaders are unlikely
to have mourned the end of the empire
since they'd never been thrilled
to be a part of it.
So, although Akkadian kings
and high officials
must have been deeply affected,
the Mesopotamian culture
didn't change much.
New leaders came to power
and life went on.
One such dynasty of new leaders
came to power
in the southern kingdom of Lagash
in the 22nd century BCE.
It's known as the Second Dynasty of Lagash
to distinguish it
from the previous time
when Lagash had been dominant,
which was between around 2500 and 2300 BCE.
The capital by this time
wasn't the city of Lagash itself,
but another city in the same kingdom,
a city called Girsu.
One of the kings who ruled
during the Second Lagash Dynasty
is particularly well-known
to modern scholars.
His name was Gudea.
To describe himself,
he didn't use the term king,
which was lugal in Sumerian.
He called himself ensi, or governor.
It's not that he was subject
to a greater king.
He was in charge,
but he was a very pious man
and he saw his main role
as being the representative
on earth of his god Ningirsu.
So he called himself an ensi,
not a lugal.
Still, we can refer to him as a king.
You've almost certainly seen
a statue of Gudea at some point
because these statues
are in lots of museums around the world.
Almost all of them
are beautifully sculpted
out of a shiny black stone
called diorite.
They show the king standing
or seated in the prime of life.
He's portrayed as having a large head
on a fairly short body.
He's clean-shaven
and he usually wears a cap
with a wide band.
He wears a tunic
that looks a little like
a later Roman toga
with a shoulder exposed.
His upper arm is muscular
and his hands are folded in prayer.
Long inscriptions on Gudea's statues
explain where they were placed
and why.
In each instance,
the statue had a name
and was dedicated to a god
in whose temple the statue lived.
I say lived
because the Mesopotamians
really believed the statues
had a life force.
Let's look at one of the most famous
of Gudea's statues.
It's known to us as Statue B,
but the name Gudea gave to it
was a whole sentence.
It was called,
For my lord, I built this house.
Life is my reward.
The name explains one reason
why the statue existed.
To pray to the god Ningirsu,
the city god of Lagash,
that Gudea would enjoy a long life.
And why should the god
grant him a long life?
Because Gudea had built
a temple for him.
And the statue was to tell the god
the following message.
At the time,
when I built for him
his beloved house,
I released all debts,
cleansed all hands.
For seven days,
no grain was ground.
The maid was equal to her mistress.
The slave stood at his master's side.
I made the unclean in my city
sleep outside of it.
I banned all evil in it
and procured justice for the gods
Nanshe and Ningirsu.
The orphan was not subjected
to the rich.
The widow was not subjected
to the strong.
In the household,
having no male heir,
I made its female heir possess it.
This list of the things Gudea did
to celebrate the finishing
of the temple
is a wonderful account
of his care for his people,
especially the weakest among them.
They were freed from their debts.
Orphans and widows
were protected from rich
and powerful people.
And women could inherit property.
For seven days,
slaves were even equal
to their owners.
There's much more
in the inscription on Statue B.
It lists the daily offerings
that were to be given
to the statue itself.
Then it describes in detail
the construction of Ningirsu's temple
called the Eninu.
It describes how the statue
was commissioned
and it curses anyone
who would remove the statue
from the temple
or who would erase Gudea's name
from the statue.
And it praises Ningirsu.
The audience for the inscription
was partly the god himself.
The writing has a sort
of magical quality.
Gudea knew the statue
would outlive him
and that its inscription
would continue to remind Ningirsu
about who had built
his home for him.
But Gudea was also writing
to people in the future
to inform them
about the offerings
they would need to continue
to provide for the statue
as part of his worship
and about his greatness
as the builder of the Eninu.
And Gudea was trying
to control the future
by asking the gods
to curse anyone
who tried to take credit
for his achievements.
He was successful in a way.
We do remember him.
Here am I talking about him
and reading you his inscription.
We're not making offerings
to the statue anymore.
And the statue is in the Louvre
in Paris
and that's a long way
from Mesopotamia.
So he didn't get
everything he wanted
but he is remembered
for building the Eninu temple.
The materials for the temple
came from all over the known world
according to the statue inscription.
There were huge logs
from Lebanon
that had been tied together
into rafts
and floated down the Euphrates.
They became the roof beams
of the temple.
There were blocks of stone
from the west,
copper from the south
and black wood
from the Indus Valley.
Imported gold,
lapis lazuli
and bitumen
were used as well.
There's no reason to think
Gudea lied about any of this.
He obviously traded widely
to get access
to the goods he needed.
His kingdom must have been rich
in order to pay for it all.
The most striking feature
of statue B
is that Gudea
has a big rectangular tablet
on his lap.
There's a measuring stick
and a stylus lying on it.
And inscribed on the tablet
is a floor plan of the temple.
Gudea was showing
that he was responsible
for the design of the Aninu,
but he didn't invent it himself.
He says in the inscription
that the plan for the temple
came to him directly from the god
on a lapis lazuli tablet
in a dream.
One thing that many inscriptions mention
is that Gudea
chose to have his statues
made out of stone
instead of metal.
This tells us that metal
was the normal material
for a royal statue.
On statue B, he wrote,
for this statue,
nobody was supposed to use
silver or lapis lazuli,
neither should copper or tin
or bronze be a working material.
It is exclusively of diorite.
Nobody will forcibly
damage the stone.
This helps explain
why we have so many statues
of Gudea
and relatively few
of the kings who ruled
before or after him.
Metal statues must have been normal,
but they would have been melted down
in later centuries.
In contrast,
diorite is a really hard stone.
Gudea could be pretty sure
that his statues would survive.
While I focused on statue B,
dozens of other Gudea statues
have also been found,
and he was said to have built
innumerable temples.
We know of 30 temples
that he claimed to have built
in just the city of Girsu,
where the Eninu was located.
He also commissioned buildings
in many other cities,
including in Ur, Nippur, and Uruk.
So Gudea must have controlled
quite a lot of southern Mesopotamia.
Did Gudea have any other preoccupations
besides worshipping the gods,
building temples,
protecting the weak,
and establishing widespread trade?
Was there a darker side to him?
It seems not.
We know of only one military campaign
during this entire era,
and Gudea never depicted himself
in artworks as a warrior or a war leader.
Mostly, he and his subjects
seemed to have enjoyed a time of peace.
Before moving on,
it's important to mention
something else about Gudea.
One royal inscription from his reign
is considered to be
a literary masterpiece.
It was written on two big,
hollow terracotta cylinders.
The bigger one is 24 inches tall,
and each is about 13 inches in diameter.
The inscription is usually referred to
with the rather boring name
of Gudea Cylinder A and B,
though it's also called
by its ancient name
the Building of Ningirsu's House.
The text is the longest known inscription
up to that time.
It's 1,363 lines long,
and in a modern translation,
extends across more than 50 pages.
These cylinders were found in 1877,
probably in the ruins of the Aininu Temple,
and they're now at the Louvre in Paris.
Scholars believe several different scribes
must have been responsible
for writing on them,
because the text is written
in several different handwriting styles.
The cylinder inscription
is all about the building
of the Aininu Temple,
like the inscription on Statue B.
But the cylinder adds
a whole complicated myth,
including the dreams
that Gudea is said to have received
to guide him in the construction.
And the cylinder inscription
describes the great ceremonies held
when the god was brought
into his new temple
and the seven-day festival
that took place.
Although Gudea completely dominates
our knowledge of the
Second Dynasty of Lagash,
he wasn't its only king.
He ruled for perhaps 20 years,
after which his son,
Ur-Ningirsu, took the throne.
Only a few statues
of Ur-Ningirsu survived.
Soon after his reign,
the Second Dynasty of Lagash
was conquered by a king
who had taken power
in the city of Ur,
and who founded a powerful
royal family,
the Third Dynasty of Ur.
Gudea is important
because he was so different
in the way he presented himself
to his subjects
from the Akkadian kings
who came before him.
He didn't try to seem terrifying.
He didn't claim to be
He didn't tear down city walls
and drag kings into captivity
in neck stocks.
He wanted to protect his subjects,
and he loved his gods.
This is a model of rule
that seems to have influenced
many kings who came after him.
