IISS Shangri-La Dialogue 2025 | US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth's speech

Dear Delegates, a very good morning to everybody. I am delighted to open the 22nd ISS Shangri-La Dialogue, Asia's premier defence summit. I would like to begin by thanking Prime Minister Lawrence Wong for having hosted us last night for the opening dinner and keynote address. And in the keynote address, President Macron of France spoke about his vision for partnership between Asia and Europe and the need for consistency and credibility in policy. And he spoke about strategic autonomy as a means to accept and take on responsibility for addressing today's security challenges. And if I look across the room, it's fantastic to see so many delegations here at the Dialogue and the many Defence Ministers who will be engaging in defence diplomacy. And in a minute, we will begin the first plenary session on the United States' new ambition for Indo-Pacific security. A reminder to all that the speeches delivered during the plenary sessions of the Shangri-La Dialogue, as well as the answers given to questions, but also the questions themselves, are on the record. If you wish to take the floor to ask a question or make a comment, you have a microphone at your seat to do so. You will need your delegate badge to activate the microphone and two steps are involved here. First, you need to put your badge into the slot on the right-hand side of the microphone set. And second, you need to press the button to turn your microphone on. Once your microphone is on, a green light will come up and your name is added to my list here on the stage here. When your microphone is green, it is not a hot mic. When I select you from the list and I turn your microphone on here, it will turn red and then you have an opportunity to ask your question. I encourage everyone to keep those questions short and crisp to generate meaningful answers and to help us get as many of them as we can. So insert your badge, press the button, you are in the queue. And now I am delighted to turn to Pete Hexthill, the Secretary of Defence of the United States. Many of you will know that the Secretary of Defence Hexthill, since taking office, has traveled to the region in March and it is great that he is back for the Shangri-La Dialogue to speak about U.S. ambitions and priorities for the Indo-Pacific. Mr. Secretary, we are truly honored to have you here at the 22nd ISS Shangri-La Dialogue. The podium is yours. Well, good morning. It is great to be in Singapore and Bastion. Thank you very much for the warm welcome. The Shangri-La Dialogue is an important forum to bring together defence leaders from across the Indo-Pacific and the world. And I want to thank IISS for hosting us this morning. As was mentioned, I am certainly proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific for the second time as the Secretary of Defence. And I'm going to keep coming back and back, back again. You're stuck with me. But it's not just me. America is proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific and we're here to stay. The United States is an Indo-Pacific nation. We have been since the earliest days of our Republic. We will continue to be an Indo-Pacific nation with Indo-Pacific interests for generations to come. And under President Trump's leadership, the United States is committed to achieving peace through strength. That starts with deterring aggression around the world and here in the Indo-Pacific, here in our priority theatre, here with you, our allies, and our partners. The United States stands ready to work with any country that is willing to step up and preserve the global and regional peace that we all hold dear. Your presence here today sends a strong message about our shared purpose, our shared commitment to peace, our shared dedication to a free and open Indo-Pacific. So this morning, I'd like to share the U.S. Defense Department's vision for the Indo-Pacific. You see, my job is to create and maintain decision space for President Trump, not to purport to make decisions on his behalf. And in doing that, I'm joined today by two great military leaders from the United States military. Our Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Dan Raison Cain, is here with me, a great partner, who understands how to take a global look, globally integrate American interests and American power, regionally and internationally. And, of course, we're joined by our Indo-Pacific Commander, Admiral Sam Paparo, America's fighting general in the Pacific. Admiral, thanks for being here. It is our job, the three of us and the entire Defense Department, to keep our military strong and create options. President Trump was elected to apply for American service on the world stage. You know, getting a chance to watch him firsthand in the Oval Office and around the world, the world is incredibly fortunate to have an American president with the combination of being a peace seeker and a strong leader. President Trump has the unique ability to make possible things that seem impossible, moving the Overton window, the ultimate dealmaker. And to that end, from day one, President Trump gave me a clear mission at the Defense Department, achieve peace through strength. To accomplish this mission, our overriding objectives have been equally clear, restore the warrior ethos, rebuild our military, and reestablish deterrence. And it starts with the warrior ethos. All of us in this profession of arms understand that humans are far more important than hardware. So we're focused on lethality, meritocracy, accountability, standards, readiness, and warfighting. We respect human nature, hard training, and the lessons of history. Our combat formations will be trained and skilled. Our standards will be high and unwavering. If you can do the job, you'll be in our formation. If you can't, you are not. Colorblind, gender-neutral, merit-based. It's as simple as that. That is restoring the warrior ethos, and our troops in America are responding to it. Morale, recruiting, retention, readiness, training capabilities, all rapidly increasing thanks to President Trump's back-to-basics approach. Our second priority is rebuilding the military. We're equipping American warfighters with the most advanced capabilities so that we remain the strongest and most lethal fighting force in the world. President Trump is spending for the first time ever over $1 trillion next year. It's a 13% increase in American defense spending. The Golden Dome for America, our new sixth-generation fighter, the F-47, our new stealth bomber, the B-21, new submarines, destroyers, hypersonics, drones, you name it, it's all part of it. The best military equipment in the world. We're reviving our defense industrial base and investing in our shipyards. We're rapidly fueling emerging technologies that will help us remain the world leader for generations to come. We are stronger, yet more agile than ever before. When our opponents know that our military is armed with the most capable weapons systems and wielded by skilled warriors with the will to prevail, they are less likely to challenge us on the battlefield, which is the point. This leads to the third objective, which is re-establishing deterrence. Across four years of deferred maintenance under the Biden administration, the world saw, unfortunately, a feckless and weak America, an invasion of 21 million illegals on our southern border, Russian aggression in Ukraine after what had happened under the previous Democrat administration in 2014, Crimea, Islamist terror on October 7th in Israel, a humiliating and deadly retreat in Afghanistan, an enriched and emboldened Iran, a Chinese spy balloon flying over our country, and a Secretary of Defense that was AWOL for a week. That ends now, not any more. We are re-establishing deterrence around the world, but credible deterrence starts at home, like our historic Golden Dome for America, and it starts at our borders. Border security, for us and for all of you, is national security. So we have surged troops to our southern border, and we'll have 100% operational control of there soon enough. We spent two decades patrolling other borders, time to prioritize defense of our own. We're also increasing security in the Western Hemisphere and taking back the Panama Canal from maligned Chinese influence. It is key terrain, after all. China did not build that canal. We did. And we will not allow China to weaponize it or control it. Deterrence starts in our own backyard. But beyond our borders and beyond our neighborhood, we are reorienting towards deterring aggression by communist China. We'll talk a little bit more about that in a minute. But elsewhere and around the world, we are engaging with, enabling, and empowering our allies, but sometimes with tough love. But love, nonetheless. We're pushing our allies in Europe to own more of their own security, to invest in their defense, things that are long overdue. We still believe the N in NATO stands for North Atlantic, and that our European allies should maximize their comparative advantage on the continent. And thanks to President Trump, they are stepping up. An alliance cannot be ironclad if in reality or perception it is seen as one-sided. That is changing, and that is very important. And as our allies share the burden, we can increase our focus on the Indo-Pacific, our priority here. You see, here in the Indo-Pacific, our futures are bound together. The prosperity and security of the American people are linked to those of your people. We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security. And we are here to stay. And as a matter of fact, we are here this morning. Somebody else isn't. But for a generation, the United States ignored this region. We became distracted by open-ended wars, regime change, and nation-building. I had a front-row seat as a soldier in Iraq and Afghanistan. These costly diversions lacked clearly defined goals and were not tied to vital and core American interests. President Trump is changing that. We are not making the same mistakes, not this generation and not now. We are done with that approach. We're focused on delivering for the American people, on safeguarding their security, on protecting their economic interests, and on using common sense to preserve peace in the Indo-Pacific. You know, standing here in Singapore, I think this approach lines quite well with the pragmatic style of Singapore's legendary prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew. Across three decades, he built this country into one of the world's most important hubs of finance and innovation. Like the late prime minister, President Trump's approach is grounded in common sense and national interest, built on a willingness to work with others while respecting mutual self-interest, and informed by an understanding of military strength, but shaped by a preference for engaging on the basis of commerce and sovereignty, not war. These two historic men share a willingness to challenge old ways of doing things that no longer make sense. We refuse to accept any paradigm that makes conflict inevitable. As President Trump said in Riyadh, a historic speech in Saudi Arabia, America does not have or see permanent enemies. Under President Trump's leadership, we are applying this common-sense approach to defense here in the Indo-Pacific and throughout the world. And we believe the results speak for themselves. President Trump is leading European allies to step up in their own defense, as I mentioned. He is striking new, fairer trade deals that protect Americans, while providing a lasting and secure basis for commerce. Not to mention resilient, anti-fragile, and reliable supply chains for our and your defense needs. He is also rebalancing security and defense arrangements with key allies in the region. This enables all of us to benefit from the peace and stability that comes with a lasting and strong American presence here in the Indo-Pacific. These benefits only multiply when our allies and partners are also strong. As President Trump also said in Riyadh, the United States is not interested in the moralistic and preachy approach to foreign policy of the past. We are not here to pressure other countries to embrace or adopt policies or ideologies. We are not here to preach to you about climate change or cultural issues. We are not here to impose our will on you. We are all sovereign nations. We should be able to choose the future we want to build. We respect you, your traditions, and your military. And we want to work with you where our shared interests align for peace and prosperity. On this sure foundation of mutual interest and common sense, we will build and strengthen our defense partnerships to preserve peace and increase prosperity. But a threat gathers. As we all know, strength and security underpin peace and enable prosperity. And our common-sense approach to achieving security, achieving peace through strength, requires seeing things crystal clearly. It requires confronting obvious truth about the threats that we face in the Indo-Pacific. And it requires meeting those threats with a very real sense of urgency. So before we get to those hard truths, and to make sure our friends in the press, our words are not misconstrued, as they so often are, let me begin by saying we do not seek conflict with Communist China. We will not instigate nor seek to subjugate or humiliate. President Trump and the American people have an immense respect for the Chinese people and their civilization. But we will not be pushed out of this critical region. And we will not let our allies and partners be subordinated and intimidated. China seeks to become a hegemonic power in Asia, no doubt. It hopes to dominate and control too many parts of this vibrant and vital region. Through its massive military buildup and growing willingness to use military force to achieve its goals, including gray zone tactics and hybrid warfare, China has demonstrated that it wants to fundamentally alter the region's status quo. We cannot look away, and we cannot ignore it. China's behavior toward its neighbors and the world is a wake-up call, and an urgent one. China uses its vast and sophisticated cyber capabilities to steal technology and attack critical infrastructure. In your countries and in the United States as well, these actions not only compromise our country, but endanger the lives of our citizens. In the South China Sea, China harasses its neighbors, many of which are here in the room today. China seeks to intimidate you in your own water. We've all seen the videos and pictures of water cannons and ship-to-ship collisions and illegal boardings at sea. We're also seeing the illegal seizing and militarizing of lands in the South China Sea. These actions reveal a lack of respect for neighbors, and they challenge sovereignty, freedom of navigation, and overflight. And you're watching very closely China's destabilizing actions. And any unilateral attempt to change the status quo in the South China Sea and the first island chain by force or coercion is unacceptable. Every day, you see it, China's military harasses Taiwan. These activities have been paired with China's rapid military modernization and buildup, including huge investments in nuclear weapons, hypersonics, and amphibious assault capability. It has to be clear to all that Beijing is credibly preparing to potentially use military force to alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. We know, in public, that Xi has ordered his military to be capable of invading Taiwan by 2027. The PLA is building the military needed to do it, training for it every day, and rehearsing for the real deal. Admiral Paparao has spoken very clearly about this on multiple occasions. Again, to be clear, any attempt by communist China to conquer Taiwan by force would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world. There's no reason to sugarcoat it. The threat China poses is real, and it could be imminent. We hope not, but it certainly could be. Facing these threats, we know that many countries are tempted by the idea of seeking both economic cooperation with China and defense cooperation with the United States. Now, that is a geographic necessity for many. But beware the leverage that the CCP seeks with that entanglement. Economic dependence on China only deepens their malign influence and complicates our defense decision-making during times of tension. Nobody knows what China will ultimately do, but they are preparing, and therefore we must be ready as well. Urgency and vigilance is our only option at the Department of Defense with our allies because the United States, especially under President Trump, does not seek war. We do not seek to dominate or strangle China, to encircle or provoke. We do not seek regime change, nor will we instigate or disrespect a proud and historic culture. We will be ready, but we will not be reckless. Instead, we seek peace. But we must ensure that China cannot dominate us or our allies and partners. Maintaining the status quo requires strength. That's just a rational, common-sense goal that we should all be able to live with. President Trump has also said that Communist China will not invade Taiwan on his watch. So our goal is to prevent war, to make the cost too high, and peace the only option. And we will do this with a strong field of deterrence forged together with you, America's great allies and defense partners. Together, we will show what it means to execute peace through strength. In many ways, seen and unseen, overt and covert. But if deterrence fails, and if called upon by my Commander-in-Chief, we are prepared to do what the Department of Defense does best, to fight and win in Cyprus. And as I've said many times before, and it's important for this room to hear today and all the world, America first certainly does not mean America alone. Especially alongside so many of our allies, model allies like Poland, Israel, and the Gulf States, the Baltic States. And it does not mean ignoring the world. As you have all seen, President Trump is committed to a lasting and durable peace in Ukraine. And with an unwavering commitment to ensure Iran never has nuclear weapons, he seeks a strong and verifiable negotiated deal. The other option is regional war. As we shift our focus to this region, and as Europe steps up and takes greater ownership for its own security, President Trump and I will be counting on you, on this room, our allies and partners, to be force multipliers for peace alongside the United States. We ask, and indeed we insist, that our allies and partners do their part on defense. Sometimes that means having uncomfortable and tough conversations. Partners owe it to each other to be honest and to be realistic. As many of you have been with me in the past few days, and I with you. This is the essence of a pragmatic, common-sense defense policy. But you will also see that we are and will remain loyal to our allies and partners. The military-to-military relationship between many of our countries goes back decades, and in some cases centuries. In fact, the only way to ensure lasting alliances and partnerships is to make sure that each side does its part and sees the benefit. We will stand with you and work alongside you to deter Chinese aggression. Each day, together, creating more and more dilemmas and complications should China want to act, should they decide to overturn the status quo. More dilemmas, more complications, more questions, more concerns, more variables, more reasons to say it's not worth it. No one should doubt America's commitment to our Indo-Pacific allies and partners. We will continue to wrap our arms around our friends and find new ways to work together, not only our treaty allies here but also our key defense partners in ASEAN and across the Indo-Pacific. For example, look no further than to our growing defense relationship with India, where we passed new milestones by the day, from shared ventures of our defense industries to the increased operational coordination and interoperability between our two militaries. I urge all of our allies and partners to seize this moment with us. Our defense spending must reflect the dangers and threats that we face today. Because deterrence doesn't come on the cheap, just ask the American taxpayer. Time is of the essence. We must step up and move out with urgency. And it's hard to believe a little bit after some trips to Europe that I'm saying this, but thanks to President Trump, Asian allies should look to countries in Europe as a newfound example. NATO members are pledging to spend 5% of their GDP on defense, even Germany. So it doesn't make sense for countries in Europe to do that while key allies in Asia spend less on defense in the face of an even more formidable threat, not to mention North Korea. Ultimately, a strong, resolute, and capable network of allies and partners is our key strategic advantage. China envies what we have together, and it sees what we can collectively bring to bear on defense. But it's up to all of us to ensure that we live up to that potential by investing. U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific can and should quickly upgrade their own defense. President Trump said it himself last month in Riyadh and will never hesitate to wield American power swiftly and decisively if necessary. That is reestablishing deterrence. So we're doing this here in the Indo-Pacific in three distinct ways. Forgive me as I go into a little bit of detail. First, by improving our forward force posture. Second, by helping allies and partners strengthen their defense capabilities. And third, by rebuilding defense industrial base. So first, the Defense Department is prioritizing forward posture, combat-credible forces in the Western Pacific to deter by denial. Along the first and second island chains. In my first trip to the Indo-Pacific in March, I traveled to the Philippines to meet with President Marco and Secretary of National Defense Tedoro. While there, we announced our commitment to deploy more advanced U.S. military capabilities to the Philippines. We announced the inaugural overseas deployment of Nemesis, a U.S. Marine Corps mobile anti-ship missile system to the Philippines. The 3rd Marine Littoral Regiment, one of the U.S. military's most capable and lethal formations, exercised Nemesis along with our Philippine allies. Together, we deployed the system to the Batanas Islands on the Luzon Strait between the Philippines and Taiwan. This enhanced our interoperability and improved our readiness on cutting-edge platforms, where we need them and when we need them. We also announced that the U.S. Special Operations Forces and Philippine Marines are training together on complex landing scenarios in the Batanas Islands. This demonstrates that our forces can conduct high-end operations in the most challenging of environments. I also had a chance to visit Tokyo and meet with Prime Minister Ishiba and Defense Minister Nakatani. We announced that we're upgrading U.S. Forces Japan headquarters. This is about warfighting and deterrence as well as common sense. Upgrading USFJ demonstrates the significant work of the U.S.-Japan alliance as it evolves to emerging threat. It also reflects the progress the alliance has made toward improving interoperability and strengthening Japan's capability. And this summer, the U.S. Army has plans to conduct its first-ever live-fire test of its mid-range capability system in Australia. This will be the first time that system is fired west of the international dateline, the first time it's been tested on foreign soil. Deployments like this represent a commitment to the region, and there are many more plans. On the home front, the Golden Dome for America will protect the U.S. homeland against a catastrophic missile attack by adversaries. We will strengthen missile defenses for the U.S. homeland as we look for ways to improve regional missile defenses right here in the Indo-Pacific. We're also using regional integrated air and missile defense, and we're deploying several key missile defense technologies and data-sharing partnerships with Japan and Australia, leveraging America's best-in-class technologies to strengthen regional air and missile defense architecture. Second, we're supporting allies and partners as they strengthen their own defense capabilities and capacity. We want to empower you as partners, not dependents, to work more capably with the United States. We're working to rapidly deliver the kinds of off-the-shelf, innovative, autonomous systems for which the American defense industry is renowned. It's why the Department partnered with the U.S. industry to launch the Maritime Security Consortium. This consortium will build and sustain maritime domain awareness to deliver real operational effect by employing unmanned aircraft and vessels. These capabilities delivered quickly and at a lower cost give a cutting-edge advantage to the hands of warfighters and our defense partners in Southeast Asia. A critical part of working with our partners is increasing interoperability, learning how to sail, fly, and fight as one. This year's Bali-Bhutan exercise in the Philippines was the largest ever. In the South China Sea, we continue to conduct regular maritime activities alongside Australia, Japan, and the Philippines. We're also expanding our security partnership with India through robust military exercises like Tiger Island. And we're also amplifying cooperation within the Quad and other multilateral frameworks. Within the Quad, we're also leading an initiative called the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network, enabling Quad partners to leverage shared logistics capabilities in the Indo-Pacific. They say, rookies talk strategy, pros talk logistics. And we're grateful for the opportunity to train with all our allies in the region in other exercises like Talisman Sabre with Australia and Cobra Gold in Thailand. These exercises enhance our lethality while improving our readiness to respond at a moment's notice. And that was certainly put in practice last March with the Thai military in response to the earthquake there. Flying and sailing and operating together in peacetime ensures we are prepared for the unexpected. And third, we are revitalizing our defense, industrial bases, and reallocating resources toward the most lethal and effective capability. We're doing this because success of the warfighters requires it. It's one thing for an adversary to see multinational forces operating together in exercise. It's another thing entirely for that same country to see an integrated defense industrial base supporting those forces and standing ready to keep them in the fight. That's why we are pleased to endorse the Partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial Resilience, also known as PIPER, a U.S.-initiated multilateral forum of 14 allies and partners working with industry, capital providers, and key nongovernmental stakeholders to strengthen industrial resilience, expand our capacity, and accelerate delivery. So today I'm proud to announce the first PIPER project. The first project plans to establish repair capability and capacity for P-8 radar systems in Australia. It will also enable Indo-Pacific allies and partners operating the aircraft, including New Zealand and the Republic of Korea, to repair aircraft within the region rather than relying on single repair sources in the continental United States. The second is a project that will develop standards for small unmanned aerial systems across the Indo-Pacific, identifying secure sources of production for their critical components and increasing global supply chain resilience for these essential systems. Similarly, we are working through our regional sustainment framework to do things like expand existing contracts for U.S. Army watercraft repair. The goal of this initiative is to bring in more providers and expand existing repair capability more broadly across the Indo-Pacific. We'll also use our allies' world-class ship repair capabilities to enhance the U.S. Navy's operational effectiveness to save taxpayers money. These moves will strengthen regional resiliency by increasing access to repair capabilities in theater and reducing dependency on faraway supply chains. We're deepening our cooperation with Australia's guided weapons and explosive ordnance enterprise with historic momentum and purpose. This work secures our technological edge and makes our munition supply chains resilient. In the last two months, we've reached an agreement for Australia to produce 155mm ammunition and to assemble guided multiple-launch rocket systems, or GILMOTs. These steps enhance our readiness and facilitate upgrades to our collective defense industrial base. And we're working with India to co-produce equipment needed to deter aggression. And this includes negotiating an agreement to bring our industrial basins ever closer. Last month, we held our first-ever U.S.-India Industry Government Experts Exchange to produce and field state-of-the-art autonomous systems as part of the U.S.-India Autonomous Systems Industry Alliance. So across the board, the United States, our allies, and our partners have made great progress in these and many other areas towards achieving peace and strength. But we have to move quickly, and we have no time to waste. So as I conclude, it is with sage leadership and strategic vision and a sense of urgency that Lee Kuan Yew turned Singapore into one of the world's great success stories. Many call it the Singapore miracle. That's what common-sense policy can achieve. And that's precisely what President Trump's vision is all about. President Trump is a leader of peace, a man of peace, a force for peace. And together, we will achieve that peace through strength, re-establishing deterrence, sharing our burdens, multiplying our strengths, reinforcing our great alliances, respecting our cultures, not starting wars but preventing them, and building a better future for our nations for our mutual benefit. During my last visit to the Indo-Pacific, I watched oil seep out from the wreckage of the USS Arizona at Pearl Harbor. I saw the rows of crosses marking the graves of over 17,000 American soldiers at the Manila American Cemetery in the Philippines and had a chance to walk the black sandy beaches of U.S.U. In these hallowed places, you can't help but immediately feel connected to the past, to the warriors who went before us. They gave their all, for me, for men and women they never knew, for freedom and for peace. So as we mark 80 years since the end of World War II, we owe it to today's warriors, to our citizens, as we put our citizens first and you put your citizens first, we owe it to them, to our children and our grandchildren, to preserve this peace. The motto of my first platoon, the first one I led, was Those who long for peace must prepare for war. And that's exactly what we're doing. We are preparing for war in order to deter war, to achieve peace and strength. And we look out in this room and we look to you, to our allies and to our partners, who join us in this important work. Our time is now. The threat we face will not wait. And nor can we. Thank you and Godspeed. Secretary, thank you very much for what I think must rightly be described as a major statement of policy and outlining the vision for the theater, as you call it, and offering everything from the overall ambition to the detail of how the U.S. Department of Defense and the United Nations goes about its task. We have about 20 minutes now to discuss this further. We have already a long list of people seeking the floor. We won't get to everyone. I can already see that. We're approaching 30 people wanting to ask questions, but we'll take a few. I'll then return to you to offer some answers, and then we'll see whether we get a few more here after that. So let me start, please, with Susanna Patton from Australia and the Young Leaders Group. Susanna, your microphone is now live. Thank you very much. Mr. Secretary, your speech focused on reestablishing the territory and U.S. prioritization of Asia. But just in the last few months, it's been reported that the U.S. has moved its Italian-Russian missiles from the Indo-Pacific on the AOR to the Middle East, at an incident-predictable cost. And U.S. Coast Guard vessels have been reassigned from Asia to the southern border of the United States. Can you please explain how these actions align with the goal you set out of making the Indo-Pacific a superior territory? Let me take a few more, Mr. Secretary. So, balance of commitments is the first question. And if I can then please scan from India, my list here, and the ISS. Thank you. Mr. Secretary, could you speak to the Trump administration's position towards cyber operations, specifically whether the U.S. approach to the Indo-Pacific will involve an increase in hunt-forward operations? And as a second part to that, would the U.S. military be looking to take a more involved role in supporting Asia-Pacific states in developing their own cyber forces? Thank you very much. And we will take from the United States, Douglas Greenlaw. Douglas? Yes. Secretary, thank you for your pragmatic, common-sense policy and for noting the alignment with Singapore's great leaders. Previous administrations have articulated at this dialogue the vision of the Indo-Pacific to pursue more rhetoric than action. What's different now, and do you have resources to make that happen? Okay. Let me take maybe two more, and then I will turn to the Secretary to take some of these on. From Indonesia, Jasmine Alina. Thank you very much. So, I have a quick question on the remarks about long-off-the-shelf intelligence systems and their quick delivery. How do you ensure that their delivery and their deployment will be done in a responsible way and in a reliable way, and that the systems will actually be deployed with robust testing and evaluation, and to ensure that the Indo-Pacific does not become a testing ground? Thank you. Thank you very much. And let me take one more for this round. From Ireland, but for these purposes, probably more important from the Financial Times, Thank you, Jasmine. Secretary Hatch, what role do European militaries play in the Indo-Pacific, and do you subscribe to the view that Europe should focus more on the Euro-Atlantic, and leave the Indo-Pacific to the U.S. and its allies? Thank you very much. That's a lot to tackle, so I'll give you a few minutes to address those, and then we'll take them. Well, the opening question is a very good one. It's a fair one. When an incoming administration comes into the world the way that it is, existing set of threats, I mentioned deferred maintenance, and as a result we never would and have not turned our back on existing relationships, existing responsibilities, existing threats. So when it comes to the very tailored operation we had against the Houthis, which easily could have expanded into something else if we did not maintain focus on what the end state was, freedom of navigation was our goal from the beginning. We used unrelenting military force to execute that, provided capabilities in order to protect our troops and forces in the region in the process, which required some tradeoffs, but intentionally kept the scope narrow so that it didn't spiral into something bigger, and we could ensure we maintained combat power or other potentiality. We stand prepared to ensure that Iran does not get a nuclear bomb. We're committed to peace. We believe that's the most fruitful process, and there have been great signs, but it would be irresponsible for the Department of Defense not to posture to protect our forces and our allies and our bases in the region. That requires tradeoffs in the short term. But that's our job. I've started working with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and others to ensure globally we're looking at the entire picture and allocating resources at certain times and certain places with a specific end state, with an understanding that eventually we need to make choices that shift to our priority location. I'll note that the border, from our perspective, our border is not a deviation from that at all. President Trump has made that key from the beginning, securing our skies, our southern border. When you have 21 million people whose intentions you don't know what they are enter your country, we call that an invasion. That's unacceptable, and that's why we focused on that from day one, and we will use all resources necessary to secure that southern border. Another question was about cyber. It needs to be fully integrated into how we operate. I can't tell you how often Admiral McFarland brings that up, both in hunt forward and defensive, offensive and defensive capabilities, training, working together at the request of allies and partners who seek that capability, and then many of which have capabilities that are multiplier effect for ours. So it is central to how we look at the world. While it has to be in a world of asymmetric threats, in the world of space, in the world of cyber, those domains are the front lines, especially in the gray zone asymmetric hybrid warfare scenarios that I discussed and touched on briefly. I think the other question was about how do we operationalize that pivot. You do it by going there, by investing there, by exercising there, by training there, by pouring resources there, by looking at your force posture around the world, which we're reviewing, and a force posture that needs to meet the threats of today and going forward. That's my job. I understand there are a lot of reasons why U.S. troops may be in a certain place, and those are good reasons, reasons grounded in threats, relationships, alliances, all of which need to be taken into consideration. But if you're looking at it through the lens of America first, not America alone, and peace through strength, practically we need to be able to review those postures and pivot accordingly, and we try to be open and transparent with our allies and partners in the process, certainly our friends in Congress as well. Foreign military sales, I believe that was the fourth question, was touched on capabilities, making sure that the Indo-Pacific does not become a testing ground. That's certainly not our goal. However, we've learned, as so many of you have from the conflict in Ukraine, that warfare is changing rapidly. It's iterating in real time. And so this idea that we can conduct defense procurement the way we have in the past, waiting months and months and years for the perfect system that delivers five years down the road, over time and over budget, it's not possible. So we're working with our partners, not just in the Indo-Pacific, but around the world, to rapidly field emerging technology, which we think makes us more likely to deter adversaries. And then the fifth question was? Europe's role in the region. Oh, yeah, a big one. And I think there are understandable reasons why other countries would take a different view. I mentioned it briefly. I think Europe's comparative advantage, power to Eastern and Western Europe, is defense of that continent. I think investing in those capabilities has a very real deterrent effect on the continent. We welcome that. I've also had a lot of ongoing conversations with our military leadership in the Indo-Pacific, and there is something to be said for the fact that China calculates the possibility and does not appreciate the presence of other countries on occasion or as part of the dynamics or decision-making process. And if that is reflected in their calculus, then that's useful. But we would much prefer that the overwhelming balance of European investment be on that continent 80 years on, so that as we partner there, which we will continue to do, we're able to use our comparative advantage as an Indo-Pacific nation to support our partners here. Thank you very much. We'll take a few more in the second round, and then we'll wrap up. Can I please first get from Vietnam? Thank you, Chair. Secretary, so good to see you in Singapore, one of our partners. So my question is about cyber defence. So as you mentioned that cyber space has been increasingly important in the past as well, but the current U.S. government is cutting a lot of initiatives on cyber security. So from a national defence perspective, are you concerned that the U.S. will be vulnerable to cyber attack by a third country? Thank you very much. And we take from Japan, Ken Jimbo. Well, thank you very much, Secretary. You emphasize the need for more resource mergers. In your vision, how central is the artificial intelligence to achieving that goal? Specifically, what role do you see AI playing in enhancing operational effectiveness, decision-making, or deterrence? Thank you very much. And we have a question from China, Xi Zhang. Mr. General, your microphone is live. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Good morning, Mr. Secretary. You mentioned that allies and partners are important. However, in recent years, when the United States set up multilateral alliances or frameworks in this region, such as UN and AUKUS, it did not include the Argentine countries. So if there are differences or disputes between U.S. allies and Argentines, which side will you choose? Do you support Argentine countries? If so, how do you ensure Argentine countries' independence? Thank you. Thank you very much. And we take from the United Kingdom. We'll come back at some point. Mr. Secretary, thank you. China seems to have an astronomical strategic advantage to its dominant fiscal and mineral refinement supply. How might this affect U.S. goals for real-time industrialization and production of federation-level goods? And how do you intend to neutralize this additional financial support? Thank you very much, Tom. Let me take one more, and then we'll close it and let the Secretary respond. If we can, please. We have from Malaysia, Srikri Raman. Thank you. It's interesting you mentioned on the economic interest and common sense. In this region, I think security and economy is deeply connected. And this region has been anxious of President Trump's tariff. So how did you offset that? Thank you very much. So, again, a rather rich menu for you to get into. Again, the vulnerability to cyberattacks, how AI and other technologies play into more lethal force posture, and then there's the balancing alliance that we've got. Yeah, over to you. With the first question, I guess I would just take issue with the premise of the question. Every single day inside the Pentagon, we're not cutting cyber. We're enhancing it. We're enabling it. We're recognizing the centrality and the importance of it. So I would just disagree with that and say that across the spectrum, both how our services are trained and equipped, but also how our co-coms, our combatant commanders are looking at the fight, is central to it. The role of AI, same thing. I've been trying to be very careful about how we engage with industry partners. We're trying to open the doors to non-traditionals, a lot of the defense contractors who have not been traditionally part of the conversation, who have commercial capabilities off the shelf, that have open architecture, that can more rapidly field, that have made their own investments and are willing to present capabilities to the Defense Department that we didn't pay for in the first hand, but are quite important to how we might operate. AI is central to that. I mean, the country, the countries, the alliances that embrace the ability for what AI can do inside the common operating picture, in command and control, in rapidly synthesizing intelligence, it's a game-changer, not just for us, but for any country that can field it properly and with an understanding of how fielding it makes you faster and more lethal in real time. So AI is something we are focused on on a daily basis at the Pentagon and looking to integrate throughout our formation. I appreciate the question from China. I would simply say, and welcome that dialogue and conversation, by the way. I would simply point to the countries we've engaged with here, whether they are a part of ASEAN, whether they are part of AUKUS, any of those architectures, we are not going to look only inside the confines of how previous administrations looked at this region. I think you saw in my remarks intentionally, we're opening our arms to countries across the spectrum, traditional allies, non-traditional allies, some of which can be overt, others of which are more covert, some of which are near and far more direct or logistics-oriented, but grounded in mutual self-interest, in respect for those organizations, the capabilities that we want to bring to bear, and the realism of what we can do together, not promising something in the far future that sounds great on a PowerPoint or at a IISS forum, but honest conversations about brass tacks, hard power, military capabilities that would be needed to be brought to bear, if and when, unfortunately, there were a contingency, which, as I hope I made quite clear, is not something we seek. Critical minerals, I would call that a sort of Operation Warp Speed for us, and for everybody, not just for the United States, where we source munitions, critical platforms, is important, and from our Deputy Secretary of Defense throughout our department, it's very important, and we're actually moving out quite rapidly on it. And the last question on tariffs, I'm happily in the business of tanks, not trade. And I will leave that discussion to the man who knows how to do it best, which is President Trump. Right-sizing relationships and ensuring that our trade is balanced, and I think that's good for us and for all countries. Secretary Hector, thank you so much. That takes us to the end of our session. Thank you very much. For this session, I think we got really a major and comprehensive statement of U.S. policy for the region, which was excellent, and we now have a quick staging break before we go on to the next panel. Thank you very much, Secretary, for joining us today.