Final War Has Begun Part 1 | Unusual Troop Movements and Senior Generals Removed

Unusual military movements are intensifying around Beijing. More of Xi's top generals are being taken down. After Nepal's sudden power change, Zhongnanhai now sits on the edge of a volcano. Welcome back to Final War with Catherine Hu. Today, we turn to Beijing's latest moves since the September 3rd military parade. The shadow struggle inside Zhongnanhai is far from over. What we see includes not only unusual military maneuvers, but also civilian tragedies. And even whether so strange, it feels apocalyptic. And now, with Nepal's political crisis erupting next door, Beijing's leadership feels the very real danger of sitting on the rim of a volcano. Let's begin with the military movements. What kind of political crisis might be hiding behind them? On the night of September 12th, residents in Ruifang City, Shandong Province, witnessed something extraordinary. Twice, unidentified flying objects were shot down, each time accompanied by deafening blasts that shook the night. Video footage shows that at around 9.03 pm, a glowing sphere rose from the ground, tracing a parabolic arc across the night sky. As it neared the ground, it collided with a white object flying straight toward it. The impact triggered a massive explosion, with flames lighting up the entire sky in an instant, followed by a thunderous boom. At 9.08 pm, the exact same scene repeated itself. From the trajectory, it looked very much like a nighttime missile interception test. According to a notice issued by China's Maritime Safety Administration on September 11th, live fire drills were scheduled in two designated zones of the Bohai Sea, Zone A and Zone B, running from 4 pm on September 12th to noon on the 13th, and again from 10 pm on the 13th to noon on the 14th. But many observers questioned the move. Normally, the PLA conducts air defense drills or weapons tests in remote regions, China's western deserts, or far out at sea. Why, then, would they choose a site so close to a major city? That in itself reveals something highly unusual. Waifang was once a key base of the former Jinan military region and the main garrison of the 26th Group Army. In 2016, after Xi's military reforms, the 26th was reorganized into the 81st Group Army. This is a combined arms force. Equipped with air defense, aviation, and electronic warfare units. Its surface-to-air missile systems are designed for low- to medium-altitude interception, capable of taking down aircraft, helicopters, drones, and low-flying cruise missiles. These capabilities align closely with what the footage from that night appeared to show. The 80th Group Army chose to stage these drills in China's inland waters, far from the South China Sea or the Taiwan Strait. This was not about flexing muscles to the outside world. More likely, it was an internal show of force, a signal tied directly to struggles at the very top of the party. History shows that such displays have happened repeatedly in the CCP's past. Beyond Weifang, there were also reports from Hebei Province. On September 12th, residents of Shijiazhuang heard a sudden, thunderous boom of unknown origin. Some said their houses and windows rattled from the shock. Local reporters called emergency services, fire departments, and police officers in Shijiazhuang. But officials in every department claimed they had received no reports and no alerts. That very same day, September 12th, large numbers of tanks and armored vehicles were also seen on the streets of Tangshan City, Hebei Province. These anomalies have led some to suspect that the thunderous blast in Shijiazhuang may have been the result of clashes between rival military factions placed under the magnifying glass of the CCP's political ecosystem. The shadow of high-level infighting looms even larger. As for what exactly happened that day, we may have to wait a long time before the truth comes to light. It's important to remember that Shijiazhuang is home to the headquarters of the Central Theater Command. This command surrounds Beijing with some 600,000 troops. And yet, its top post, the commander's seat, remains vacant. Even as these unusual maneuvers erupted around the capital, another blow hit the military. A fresh wave of senior generals tied to Xi were taken down. On September 12th, 2025, China's National People's Congress Standing Committee issued a public notice removing several deputies from their posts. Among them were four senior military figures. General Wang Chunning, Commander of the People's Armed Police. Lieutenant General Gao Daguang, Political Commissar of the Joint Logistics Support Force. Lieutenant General Zhang Lin, Head of the Central Military Commission's Logistics Support Department. Lieutenant General Wang Jibin, Discipline Chief of the Rocket Force. The inclusion of Wang Chunning's name came as no surprise. Rumors of his removal had circulated for months. But the appearance of Wang Jibin, the Rocket Force's top disciplinary officer who had already been under heavy scrutiny, drew significant outside attention. What makes this purge more telling is that all four removed officers were closely tied to two of Xi's most trusted allies, Miao Hua and He Weidong. Some reports even suggest their posts may have been purchased through Miao's network. The fact that these Xi-aligned generals are falling one after another only strengthens the evidence that Xi's influence inside the military is being systematically erased. And it wasn't just Xi's generals. New revelations also emerged about Zhang Xiaojun, Xi's most trusted personal secretary and his de facto voice inside the military. According to insider reports, Zhang has been stripped of all his positions, including his former role as director of the Central Military Committee or CMC General Office and political commissar of the National Defense University. Even his military status was revoked. In other words, Zhang has been forced out of service entirely, an unmistakable blow that adds insult to injury for Xi. We've discussed Zhang Xiaojun before. Now 57 years old, he was one of Xi's most loyal lieutenants. Back in Xi's Zhejiang days, Zhang served as his personal secretary, the only member of the so-called Zhejiang faction who followed Xi from Zhejiang to Shanghai and then into the party's central leadership. Though Zhang had never spent a single day as a real soldier, once Xi took power, he was parachuted into the role of director of the CMC General Office, effectively becoming Xi's eyes and ears inside the military. Working hand in hand with former CMC political department chief Miao Hua, Zhang controlled the personnel pipeline from colonel to full general. Every promotion required his review before reaching Xi's desk. Major reforms, the chairman responsibility system and other top directives were also conveyed and enforced by Zhang. For years, in the circle of generals, the saying was clear, to cross Zhang was to cross Xi himself. Yet over the past two years, as Xi steadily lost his grip over the armed forces, Zhang's fortunes plummeted. First, he was removed from the CMC General Office and demoted to political commissar of the National Defense University. Now he has been forced out entirely, severing what was once Xi's central nervous system inside the military. It marks nothing less than the loss of Xi's military command. But today, what truly keeps Xi and everyone inside Zhongnanhai on pins and needles is no longer just the internal party struggle. What they fear most is the political earthquake that just erupted in Nepal. A power shift that unfolded in a single night. On September 3rd, Nepal's prime minister K.P.Auli attended Beijing's grand military parade, showering Xi Jinping with flattery. Yet only days later, back in Kathmandu, Auli tried to copy Beijing's playbook. On September 5th, his government imposed a sweeping social media ban, claiming certain platforms had failed to comply with local regulations. Facebook, YouTube, and X were all abruptly blocked. The result was explosive. Crowds of young people surged into the streets in protest. Demonstrators set fire to the parliament building, demanding not only that the social media ban be lifted, but also that corruption be rooted out. The ban was lifted late on a night of September 8th after protests erupted, but public anger did not subside. On September 9th, demonstrations exploded across Kathmandu. Protesters torched Prime Minister Auli's private residence, attacked government offices, party headquarters, and properties linked to other political leaders. Security forces fired tear gas and rubber bullets into the crowds, leaving at least 22 people dead. What began as unrest over censorship soon escalated into a broad challenge to the ruling system, spreading to other cities. Videos showed demonstrators surrounding the party's central offices. One protester climbed a flagpole, pulled down the party flag, and tossed it to the crowd below, triggering loud cheers. At last, under pressure from the protesters, Prime Minister Auli, a hardliner who had spent decades in the communist movement, announced his resignation on September 9th. Videos captured the moment Auli and several senior officials boarded a helicopter, fleeing to Kathmandu's international airport in an attempt to escape. Protesters tried to block the aircraft from taking off. The officials' whereabouts remain unknown. Those who failed to flee met grim fates. Some were captured alive, others chased down and beaten, and some cornered and assaulted in their own homes. Former party chief, deputy prime minister, and finance minister Bishnu Powdell was chased by demonstrators, forced toward a riverbank, and assaulted. In the end, Nepal's government formally stepped down. Justice Sushila Kakhi was sworn in as the country's first female prime minister, announcing that new elections would be held on March 5th of next year. In Kathmandu, the atmosphere quickly turned calm. Markets reopened, traffic resumed, and families once again began visiting temples for worship. News of Nepal's sudden power shift sent shockwaves through China, quickly trending on social media. For Beijing, the fall was particularly alarming. Nepal had been ruled by a coalition led by communism. Its sudden change delivered a heavy blow to Zhongnanhai's sense of security. According to the Wall Street Journal, protesters saw the social media ban as merely the spark. The real explosion came from years of pent-up anger. Ordinary citizens widely believed that the political elite was corrupt and incapable of managing the economy. With few jobs at home, vast numbers of Nepalis were forced to seek work abroad. A sudden event may have triggered the upheaval of Nepal's ruling system, but what seemed accidental was, in fact, inevitable. The mass unrest erupted only after the government imposed its social media ban, yet its roots ran far deeper. Corruption, social injustice, and long-festering grievances. In other words, the seeds of turmoil had already been planted. It only took time for them to accumulate and a single spark to set them off. Pro-CCP leader and prime minister K.P.O Lee spent years copying Beijing's homework. Politically, he relied on repression and deception. Economically, he governed for the benefit of the elite while neglecting the hardships of ordinary people. The result was rampant official corruption, extreme social polarization, soaring youth unemployment, and a hopeless future for those at the bottom. The contradictions piled up, deeper and heavier with each passing year. Nepal's sudden power shift shows that many governments which appear stable on the surface are in fact sitting on the rim of a volcano, waiting for the spark that will set off an eruption. The more they block and suppress, the more danger they invite. One day may look like business as usual, the next can bring a sudden upheaval. Prime Minister Ali of Nepal, Assad of Syria before him, and the dictators who still ride on the backs of their people today, all are destined to meet the same fate. Back in Eastern Europe, sudden transitions and the Soviet Union's dissolution happened almost overnight. Beijing's rule may look solid on the surface, but in reality, it is perched on a volcano. Domestic contradictions are piling up. The gulf between rich and poor, the deepening rift between officials and citizens, and the escalating confrontation between China and the United States. The government has lost the ability to resolve these overlapping crises. At any moment, another Jiangyu incident could trigger nationwide protests and demonstrations, shaking the regime to its core. The winds are rising, and just as water can carry a boat, it can also overturn it. The age of turbulence has truly begun. Get the real story behind the CCP's shifting power games and see where U.S.-China relations are headed next. Support the vision of a new China without communism. Subscribe now and join us in bringing the truth to light.