Inside Xi’s Circle: The Man Behind China–Iran Military Ties

Hi, everyone. Hi, welcome to Little Talk. All right. How's everyone? Thursday night? I can't believe the weather. Yesterday was like summer and today we got snow. It's unbelievable. I have never seen anything like this. All right. Well, as we speak, missiles are flying over Iran. Drones are being shot down. Military bases are being destroyed. And the war in Iran is not only testing Iran's military. It may also be testing China's military technology and the political future of a powerful man inside Xi Jinping's inner circle. As the war in Iran drags on, China finds itself in a very delicate position. On one hand, Iran is too important for Beijing to abandon. On the other hand, it's far too dangerous for China to openly defend. So Beijing is now trying to walk a very fine line, expressing political sympathy while carefully avoiding direct involvement. But that raises a fascinating question. Who inside Beijing is actually advising Xi Jinping on Iran? One name has begun to surface more and more in that discussion. I'll share that name with you in a little bit. But over the past few weeks, the war in Iran has revealed something many people had not paid much attention to before. The U.S. and Israeli strikes destroyed large parts of Iran's missile infrastructure. Analysts around the world began looking more closely at the networks behind Iran's weapon programs and China's role inside those networks. And the history goes back decades. Since the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, the Chinese Communist Party has been supplying Iran with anti-ship missiles. Later, Iran's Shahab missile series was widely believed to have drawn on Chinese technology. In many ways, Iran's growing military capabilities have long been tied to China's military-industrial system, which is the subject we'll cover tonight. And politically, Iran has also become extremely important for Beijing. After Xi Jinping's visit to Tehran in 2016, relations between the two countries deepened. And then in 2021, China and Iran signed a 25-year strategic partnership agreement. Under that deal, China agreed to invest $400 billion in Iran's economy over a quarter century. I don't think the CCP will last that long. But anyways, in return, Iran agreed to provide China with long-term, stable oil supplies. This agreement is part of Beijing's border plan to reshape the strategic landscape in the Persian Gulf. In simple terms, you can summarize the relationship like this. China provides technology, weapons, and industrial support, and Iran provides energy and geopolitical leverage. Now, behind those missiles and drones and technologies lies something much bigger, a complex web of technology, industry, and international partnerships. And when you start tracing that web back to Beijing, one name begins to stand out. And that is this guy, Zhang Guoqing, who currently serves as one of China's vice premiers. He is also a member of the Communist Party Politburo, the country's top decision-making body. So, he sits very close to the center of power. And many people believe he has become one of the key figures inside Xi Jinping's Now, Vice Premier Zhang has a very unusual background. Unlike most senior leaders, he did not rise through the traditional party bureaucracy, and his career was built somewhere else. It was inside China's military-industrial complex. So, for more than two decades, he worked at NORINCO, one of China's largest weapons manufacturer and arms export companies. Where's NORINCO? Where are you? There you go. And during those years, Zhang Guoqing was not just working inside China, he was deeply involved in the company's overseas defense industry networks, including projects across the Middle East. And in fact, for nearly a decade, he was stationed in Tehran. So, when we talk about Xi Jinping's advisors on Iran, and China's military technology connections in the Middle East, Zhang Guoqing's career offers a fascinating window into how those relationships were built. So, tonight, let's take a close look at how Zhang Guoqing rose in the CCP's political hierarchy, who he really is, and why Xi Jinping trusts him. Because in many ways, his story is not just about himself, it's about the intersection of weapons, politics, and global strategy in today's China. Okay, so let's start with who he is. Now, many senior officials in Beijing follow a fairly predictable trajectory. They climb the ranks through provincial party organizations, or spent decades moving up the government bureaucracy. But he started in China's defense industry. Now, he went to school, he went to the Beijing Institute of Technology, which is one of China's most important universities for military engineering. There, he studied explosives engineering. By the sound of it, it has to do with weaponry. And then after graduation, he started working for NORINCO, which the full name is China North Industries Group. And this is not just another state-owned company. NORINCO is one of the core pillars of China's military industry complex. It manufactures everything from armored vehicles and artillery systems to missile components to advanced military electronics. But even more important is NORINCO's role in the global arms trade. Let me put NORINCO on the screen. The company exports Chinese weapons and defense technology to dozens of countries across Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. And this is where Zhang Guoqing's story becomes particularly interesting. Now, after graduation, he started working for NORINCO. And for much of the late 1980s and 1990s, he was not sitting in an office in Beijing. Instead, he was stationed in Tehran. He first served as assistant to the chief representative of NORINCO's Tehran office, and later was promoted to be the deputy chief representative of NORINCO's Tehran office. In practical terms, that meant he was managing projects and commercial activities connected to China's defense trade in the region. Within certain circles, he was known as a prominent arms dealer. And according to various accounts, he was involved in arms trade activities linked to Iran and Iraq. In that role, he built extensive networks, not only inside the military industrial sector, but also within diplomatic and security circles. Over time, he became deeply familiar with the political landscape of the Middle East and the complex web of industrial projects linking Chinese state companies with Iranian institutions. For anyone working in the arms industry, the Middle East has always been one of the most important markets. Countries across the region purchase large quantities of weapons systems, military equipment, and related industrial technologies. And his performance in the region, in the Middle East, helped accelerate his rise in his company. At just 43 years old—come back to the man that we're talking about—he became the party secretary of NORINCO. And public records show that in 2004, when he was serving as, I believe, the president of the company, he signed a contract worth more than $800 million to build Tehran Metro Line No. 4. At the time, it was one of the largest overseas engineering contracts ever undertaken by a Chinese company. Now, projects like that were not simply construction deals. In many cases, they formed part of a broader framework of industrial cooperation, technology transfer, and long-term strategic partnership between Chinese SOEs and foreign governments. And under his leadership, the company's annual revenue exceeded 300 billion yuan for the first time in 2011. And this earned him the nickname in Chinese media. They called him the young marshal of the defense industry. And also, under his leadership, the company became one of the Fortune Global 500 companies. Now, by the time he eventually entered politics, he was not just a senior executive. He was a veteran of China's military-industrial complex and one of the few future Chinese leaders with first-hand experience working inside Iran and building networks there. And that background would later make him one of the people that Xi Jinping relied on for advice. Now, let's talk about how he entered politics. So, in 2013, the year after Xi Jinping became the new CCP leader, his career took a dramatic turn. He left Norinco and was parachuted into local politics, becoming deputy party secretary of Chongqing, one of China's directly managed municipalities, in addition to Shanghai, Beijing, and Tianjin. Now, from there, his political ascent accelerated swiftly. He later served as mayor of Chongqing and mayor of Tianjin. Now, for officials of his generation, meaning, because he was born in 1964, so for people born in the 60s, having the experience of governing two major direct municipalities is extremely rare. And he became the party secretary of Liaoning province in 2020. And he was the youngest provincial party chief in China at the time. Two years later, at the 20th Party Congress, he was 58 years old and was promoted to the Politburo, becoming one of the top leaders. And then in March 2023, he was appointed vice premier, the third, ranked third among China's vice premiers. So, his promotion was called helicopter-style rise. And it would not have been possible without the support of Xi Jinping. And Xi Jinping is not known for trusting people easily. Most of the officials in his inner circle came from networks he built during his years in Fujian and Zhejiang. And those officials were referred to as the Fujian army or the Zhejiang army. So, Zhang Guoqing belonged to neither. So, that raises an obvious question. How did he manage to gain Xi Jinping's trust and rise so quickly? Now, there are several key reasons. First, and perhaps the most important one, is that this guy seems or appears to have stood on the right side of politics at critical moments. Some people may remember there was a political shock in 2017 when a man by the name of Sun Zhengcai was taken down. He fell from power. He was, at the time, party secretary of Chongqing. Now, Sun had once been viewed as a potential successor to Xi Jinping. He was appointed, or he was accepted as a potential successor to Xi Jinping by party elders. But Xi Jinping didn't like the idea that his successor was chosen for him and not by him. So, Mr. Sun's growing reputation as a possible future leader made Xi Jinping paranoid and made Sun's political career short-lived. And eventually, he was purged. At the time, Zhang Guoqing was serving in Chongqing under Sun because Zhang was the deputy party secretary while Sun was the party secretary. And according to various accounts, Zhang provided the central leadership with damning reports and leads concerning his boss's activities, including remarks Sun had allegedly made in private settings. Now, in the middle of a major political struggle like that, such actions are often interpreted inside the system as a pledge of loyalty. And that loyalty appears to have earned Zhang Guoqing and Xi Jinping's trust. Alright, so that's reason number one. It's the most important reason. And the second factor is his age. He is 61 years old. He's currently one of the two youngest members of the Politburo. The only one slightly younger is Li Ganjie, who was previously the minister of organization. But his political prospects are over after he swapped positions with Shi Taifeng. Both of them were born in 1964. So, if you think about it, by the time the 21st Party Congress arrives in 2027, Zhang Guoqing will only be 63 years old. In a leadership circle where many officials are approaching retirement age or already over retirement age, Xi Jinping will be 73, 74 next year. Cai Qi is right behind him. So, they're all in the 70s. So, Zhang's age is a major advantage. So, he could potentially remain in the top leadership for another term or even two. And the third factor is that his professional background aligns closely with Xi Jinping's strategic priorities. Since coming to power, Xi has strongly emphasized military-civil fusion and the modernization of China's defense ministry. And Zhang Guoqing fits that agenda perfectly. He understands military technology. He has managed one of China's largest state defense conglomerates. He has governed major industrial regions inside China. He has built networks outside China. He has experience in regional geopolitics. In other words, he represents exactly the type of official Xi Jinping values. And there's another political advantage as well. Technocrats who come from sectors such as aerospace, defense manufacturing, and advanced industry often lack strong traditional factional ties. Inside the CCP system, people sometimes call these individuals or describe them as blank sheet. They do not belong to powerful political factions. They do not have independent power bases, which means their political survival depends heavily on one person, the top leader. And that makes Xi Jinping value their loyalty because they can be easily manipulated. So, all of this has led observers to believe that Xi Jinping values Zhang Guoqing highly. In fact, over the past year, there have been even rumors that Zhang could be among the individuals that Xi Jinping may be quietly grooming as a future successor. And there was one incident that supported that claim. So, last February, when an AI Action Summit was held in Paris, Ding Xuexiang, the executive vice premier responsible for Sunset Technology, who was expected to go, did not. Instead, Zhang Guoqing went. And during the visit, French president also met with him. They held a bilateral meeting. There we go. Yeah, that's the only picture I have. So, at the time, some people interpreted this as a subtle signal. It may have served as a quiet warning to Ding Xuexiang, who is also widely believed as a strong candidate for future leadership. So, at the time, people said that Xi Jinping was sending a message that Zhang Guoqing was given greater international exposure and political visibility. So, taken together, these developments lead to the conclusion that Zhang enjoys an unusually close relationship with Xi Jinping. Okay, that's his background. Now, let's talk about what people are saying about him now. Recently, the former arms dealer has been particularly busy or active. Since early March, he has appeared at a series of high-profile events, people say. In addition to participating in meetings during China's annual two sessions, he chaired national workplace safety conferences. He also traveled to France as Xi Jinping's special envoy to attend the World Nuclear Energy Summit. Now, we have three separate sources inside the CCP system that have come out to say that when tensions in the Middle East remain high, Zhang Guoqing has been the key coordinator in China-Iran arms trade networks, or he has been playing the role of a key coordinator in China-Iran arms trade or arms negotiation maneuvering. This is according to the Chinese Epoch Times, who has interviewed, I believe, four individuals. They say that after tensions surrounding Iran escalated, Zhang Guoqing was directly tasked by Xi Jinping with a specific mission, which is to use his deep military-industrial background to coordinate defense supply chains and maintain technological and industrial links with Iran and other regimes in the Middle East. A person familiar with China's military industry who used a pseudonym, let's call him Mr. Yao, he said in an interview that after tensions in Iran escalated, officials in Tehran repeatedly approached Beijing for assistance. Mr. Yao said that Iranian officials hoped China would provide key components for drones, unmanned boats, and smart naval mines. I think the smart naval mines are what people are seriously concerned about, given the situation in the Hormuz Canal. So, Iran hoped that China would provide components for drones, unmanned boats, and smart naval mines, which Iran could then assemble domestically into complete systems. In other words, the assistance they were seeking was not necessarily complete weapons systems, but the critical technological pieces needed to build them. Mr. Yao explained that Zhang Guoqing now plays a particularly important role inside this network, and this is what Mr. Yao said. He said, Zhang Guoqing has deep roots in the military-industrial system and has become a key coordination figure in China's conventional weapons export trade, as well as parts of the military technology research and development system. His role within the leadership is no longer merely that of a technocrat. Increasingly, he resembles a representative of the military-industrial establishment within the CCP's top leadership. In Mr. Yao's view, his rise signals something larger about Beijing's strategy. He believes the Chinese leadership is increasingly treating defense exports as a central pillar of its global influence. And this is what Mr. Yao said. He said, Xi Jinping placed Zhang Guoqing in charge of industry and security because the core logic is to push the entire military-industrial system outward by selling weapons to countries across Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. The CCP not only gains economic benefits, but also builds political leverage and influence over regional developments. So in the past, his responsibilities were largely focused on domestic industrial management and security issues, but now they increasingly involve China's outward military-industrial expansion. And that expansion goes beyond simple weapons sales. It now includes military technology cooperation, industrial partnerships, and even intelligence collaboration. Another source within the CCP system, who also used a pseudonym, Mr. Jiang, provided further insight into how these military relationships operate in practice. He explained that when China exports more sophisticated weapons, such as missile platforms or complex weapons systems, Chinese technicians are often sent on site to provide technical guidance, installation support, and sometimes operational assistance. According to Mr. Jiang, if Iran were to purchase such advanced systems, Chinese technical teams would almost certainly be dispatched to help operate and maintain them in Iran. This corroborates with other reports that I have seen, which are not confirmed, but there are reports suggesting that during Operation Epic Fury, China may have lost a dozen of military technical personnel inside Iran. And according to those reports, Beijing has remained silent about the matter. Yeah, at least a dozen of them. Now, whether or not these claims are accurate, the war in Iran has created another strategic opportunity for Beijing. Another scholar familiar with the CCP's internal power structure, who identified himself as Liu Jun—it could be a pseudonym—he explained in his interview that Chinese leadership is closely observing the conflict in order to study the real-world performance of American weapons. And he said this is a strategic observation window for Beijing. And through real-time battlefield feedback, Chinese analysts are studying how American weapons systems perform in combat so that they could better understand operational methods of the U.S. military. And he said within the CCP leadership, Zhang Guoqing is considered one of the few officials with deep military-industrial expertise and first-hand experience in Middle East affairs. And he said he is regarded as an Iran expert. Most major decisions concerning Iran are now essentially led by him. So yeah, this is what Mr. Liu said. He said, major decisions concerning Iran are now essentially led by him, meaning Zhang Guoqing, and Xi Jinping places considerable trust in him. But China's involvement with Iran does not stop at weapons and military technology. There's another person who works at a private firm in Guangdong, Mr. Zheng. He said that as early as 2016, or even earlier, Chinese tech firms from Guangdong, Beijing, and Jiangsu were already deeply involved in building Iran's telecommunication networks and surveillance systems. At the same time, Chinese technology has reportedly been used to help Iran monitor U.S. military movements in the Persian Gulf. And so in Mr. Zheng's words, he said, China has provided not only internal surveillance systems, but also monitoring technologies aimed at tracking American military activity in the Gulf. This full-spectrum technology transfer has become an invisible pillar of China-Iran relations. And as tensions between the U.S. and Iran continue to escalate and regional conflicts intensify, some of these experts believe that Beijing and Tehran will enhance their strategic ties. In other words, the ties between them will grow even stronger. Because China's high stakes, or you could say China's gambling strategy in the Middle East is not just about supporting Iran. It's about reshaping the geopolitical balance in the region. And in that strategy, Zhang Guoqing is one of the key operators working behind the scenes. But there's another reason the war in Iran matters for Zhang Guoqing. Now China rarely fights wars. Most of its weapons systems have never been tested in large-scale combat. So you don't know how good they are, and that's why they're able to sell them. But if those systems perform poorly, as we have seen in Venezuela and Iran, the damage would not be limited to Iran. It could also damage China's reputation as a global arms supplier. And for the man, for someone like Zhang Guoqing, who built his entire career inside China's defense industry, that outcome would carry real political consequences. Imagine in the high stakes world of Zhongnanhai, there are no prizes for second place. If Chinese weapons are being swept from the skies like paper toys, Zhang's helicopter rise could suddenly fall. He was the man who understood Iran better than almost anyone in Beijing. And that very connection could also become a liability. And when the smoke clears, the biggest casualty may not be Iran's military or military capability. It could be the credibility of China's military, China's defense industry. And if that credibility is shaken, then the political shock waves will travel all the way to Beijing and all the way to Zhang Guoqing. Even if he had nothing to do with the technical failures, even if Xi Jinping still trusts him, politics inside the CCP really follows logic. Because Xi Jinping's political enemies will certainly use the occasion to target Xi Jinping's inner circle. And when pressure builds inside the system, someone has to take responsibility. And in that moment, the man who knows Iran best may suddenly become the perfect political scapegoat. And you can imagine what Zhang Guoqing may be thinking right now. I think every missile destroyed in Iran right now is not just a loss for Tehran. It may also be a test of Zhang Guoqing's own political future in Beijing. So, let's keep an eye on him. Yeah, that's all I have for you. I want to tell you about my video that's released tonight in Lay's Looking Glass. It's a beautiful video we made about Tibet. There's an ominous map of Tibet, an ancient map of Tibet that's also the demoness map. And I found the story interesting. But it's really a story about how a Tang Dynasty princess who went to Tibet and worked with her husband and the other queen, who worked with the other princess actually from Nepal. So, the Tibetan king had married two princesses, one from the Tang Dynasty, China, and one from Nepal. The three of them worked together and solved the mystery of this demoness map and forever changed the feng shui of Tibet. And I found that story very interesting. Hopefully, you will like it. So, Nicole, if you could share the link here in the comments, that would be great. All right, let's see what people say about Xi Jinping's Iran advisor. Okay, we don't have that many people here tonight. Is that because the topic is not very interesting, or is that because I have competition? All right. Someone says, Ray Garlitos. Hi, Ms. Lei. Glad to watch your actual live. Oh, thank you. Thank you for being here. Excellent. Now, here's a question from JC8735. Lei, lighting not good today. You have shining glow around your eyes, or maybe no makeup around eyes? Lighting is not good. It's because after I set up the lighting, I stepped away to get a cup of water. And when I came back, the lighting changed. And I don't know how to get it back to what it was before. Everything is automatic. So, it's okay. Yeah, I look a little spooky today. All right, well, that's okay. It's okay. I'm not attached to how I look. As long as I'm presentable, I'm okay. JJ Hamza. Nobody wants China junk weapons anymore. All right. Hello, Nelly Domingo. Good morning, Madam Lei. Thank you. Well, thank you. All right. Let's see. A paranoid Winnie Okay, that's a good observation. All right. I have been reading that Japan and the Philippines are meeting, and Japan has transported offensive weaponry to an island near Taiwan. Yes. Yeah. Has the CCP media mentioned this? I heard that China reacted strongly to that. That was yesterday, right? Or two days ago. I heard that China was very upset. But I haven't really followed up on how they actually dealt with the situation. But yep, you're right. Okay. My lighting is not good. Okay. No questions. Okay. Well, that's easy. People are still trying. Lei, you're giving too much credit to China. I'm giving too much credit to China? Well, you know, I don't, but I think we need to remain rational. I was just thinking about how can we really... Because some of the questions are impossible to answer, such as, is Xi Jinping still in control of the military? Will he start a war in the Taiwan Strait? These are extremely important questions, but very difficult to answer. So I learned that you have to remove your emotions from the answers to these questions. If you are somehow emotionally attached to your subject, then you will inadvertently become a victim of your own analysis. So the only way to remain extremely objective in order to assess the situation, you cannot be influenced by your emotion or your own opinions. And that's why I try to take everything seriously. When you say I'm giving too much credit to China, yeah, you could say that. But sometimes we just have to take what they say and what they do seriously, and sometimes we can't. So it's a very fine balance in how you approach the subject. But one thing I learned is I do not want to have too many preconceived notions about my subject, because if I do, I cannot remain objective. You know, I will always come up with the same conclusions that I believe or I like, and that could be counterproductive. So you brought up a very good point. Someone said, young Macintosh, if Zhang Guoqing was responsible for China's Middle East weapons, and she's advisor, I would say we're in good shape and China is toast. You could say that. I'm not saying that the, I mean, my whole presentation tonight is not saying that he is a worthy opponent. All I'm saying he is the one. And you might be right. It's not a bad solution. I mean, it's not a bad arrangement at all. But at least you know who his advisor is. That's my point. I think that, yeah, that's my point. I'm not saying he is a good advisor or anything like that, but I'm saying he is the advisor. All right. Okay. Nicole just provided the link. Someone, Chris Bowers, Christy Bowers says, I will watch Lace Looking Glass immediately after this show. Good. Everyone check it out. It's a fascinating story. And I have a part two that's even better. Part two is coming up next week. Yeah. Part two is about a romantic Dalai Lama. It's about a romantic Dalai Lama or a Dalai Lama who wrote beautiful romantic poems. Anyways, Coffee and Paul. Well, thank you, Coffee and Paul. And here's a question from Powering Industrialization. Lace will talk. Oh, is the Falun Gong cult member. She believes her leader can levitate and walk through walls. All right. Wow. Powering Industrialization. Okay. You know, people always use the word cult to attack Falun Gong. You know what I think? I mean, we live in a very cultish culture now. I mean, what is not a cult today? Our fascination with celebrities is very cultish. Our obsession with electronic devices is cultish, right? Our like, our passion or obsession with political leaders has to some extent become cultish. So wake up. You know, this, you know, 2026, we're living in 2026. Everything. If you say, I mean, Falun Gong is a meditation practice. If you say people are obsessed with meditation, you know, then I think people's obsession with keto diet with all these diet are also cultish. So all you're repeating is just CCP's jargons, but CCP is a cult as well. Anyway, there's someone who is, who's a little, wow, this person is going a little wild. All right. Boycott China. Ever so lovely late every day. Oh, thank you. Thank you very much. Purple Fox. Thank you. All right. Okay. Frank Na, 4100. Do you think China's strategic oil supply is as big as they say? Ken, call out to Ivy, who is a big fan of yours. Well, I think China's strategic oil supply is substantial, but it's not as big as they say. It is very substantial because China has been stockpiling oil, strategic oil, as, as Xi Jinping gets, gets ready for war. In the past several years, they have been stockpiling. And also China does not have as many people as they, as they used to. So all the strategic planning is based on old population. So China does have massive oil supply. However, it's not exactly as they stated because of corruption and embezzlement. By the same logic, China's grain depot or depots do not have as much grain stock or, or stock for grains as they claim because they've been secretly sold off to make some extra, extra cash for the officials involved. Anyway, so I answered your question. Hi, Lei. Happy watching from Dublin, Ireland. Originally from the Philippines. Well, welcome. What time is it in Ireland? It must be very late. What, two, three o'clock in the morning? Yeah. Wow, you're staying up late for me. Lei, how did the vote in Taiwan on their defense budget? I was, the, the opposition party came up with something that's very weird. They, they're trying to propose a one country, two system solution, or one country, two system proposal as the solution to the, to the situation. But I think, I don't think Taiwanese people will go for that, you know, because it's been proven not working in Hong Kong. So I think the, the opposition party alliance is just shooting themselves in the foot. I'm not quite sure about the, the negotiation on the defense budget. I think we may hear something tomorrow, or maybe it has already come out and I, and I haven't, I haven't been updated, but I'll keep you updated. Brian Cobb. Well, thank you, Brian. You have no competition. I have no competition. Okay, good. Then I'm not getting as much interest. All right, I should do better. Do you, someone said, do you have any report and assessment for us on the recent CCP2 meetings? I'm supposed to talk about that tonight, but I'm telling you, there's nothing interesting that worth our time. It's so cookie cutter. It's so boring. And there are rumors everywhere. And I don't want to just repeat random rumors. I want to let the dust settle a little bit so I can, because there are all kinds of crazy claims coming out of the two sessions. And I don't, and I want to spend some time, you know, sifting through them and then tell you what's, what really, what's more likely. But from my perspective, there's nothing major coming out of that meeting other than all sorts of rumors. That's why I didn't cover that tonight. Maybe we'll cover that this Saturday. JJ Hamza, as a net sex symbol, you need to have a good makeup department. Wow. Am I being promoted as a sex symbol? I do not imagine that. Well, that's a, that's a, I'm flattered. I need to have a good makeup department. Okay. Oh, okay. How do I do that? Okay. Okay. My makeup. Has that failed me miserably today? Oh, it's the lighting, the lighting. It looks spooky. Oh, they look a little spooky today, but it's okay. I think I look better in real person. Yeah. And that's, that's good to know because most of influencers, they, they look better on camera. Most people look better on camera. I think I look better in person. So, all right. Clear pie. Japan, Philippines, and North Korea have had fishing trawlers harassed to the point, and North Korea, to the point they've had to plunder each other's fishing spots. Pay attention. All right. I will check that out. Jim Burns, Jr. Lay, thank you. I love you. Find a 50-page book titled A Conversation with Superintelligence. This will make you exceptionally more potent. No one knows yet. A 50-page book titled A Conversation with Superintelligence. You're not talking about AI? All right. Well, let me know. Let me know more about it. I don't try to be more intelligent. I try to be kinder, more observant, and more rational. That's my goal. Someone said being objective is the best way. Yeah. The most observant analysts are the most, the least rational because you cannot let your opinion, your emotion, affect your sense of judgment. Okay. All right. Wow. All right. That's all? Is that all? Wow. Oh, here's one. Clip height. Venezuela is about to get paid. Oil for U.S. reserve. That's good. That's good. Excellent. Oh, someone says, you're fine, Lay. You look amazing. All right. You look just as great. Do not be concerned. I'm not concerned at all. You could tell I'm not concerned. All right. To be honest with you, I really don't care. Don't really care as much about how I look. I think the more you are obsessed with your appearance, the worse you look. Yeah. That's always the case. The more you care about something, then the worse that something becomes. Someone said, Lay, your camera is so much better. All right. Someone said, Lay, please pay no attention to Brian. I'm your biggest fan. Now, he's just trying to be nice to me. I do pay attention to everyone. Okay. As you can tell, I've had a good time. How about we end it here? And I'll be back on Saturday. Okay. With better makeup. If not, with better lighting. All right. That's all for tonight. Thank you. Bye-bye.