“We No Longer Rely On U.S.”: Dutch Defence Minister Delivers Sobering Message To Trump

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Oct 16, 2026
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AI GeneratedEuropean representatives emphasize the urgent need for increased defense autonomy to reduce reliance on the US. The discussion focuses on integrating Ukrainian battlefield innovations, securing the Arctic against Russian nuclear threats, and establishing a unified European security framework to counter hybrid warfare and geopolitical shifts.
Regardless of whomever is living at the White House at that moment,
we have to be able to stand up for ourselves.
And I'm very glad that the Dutch public really does get that.
But for me to remain, to have their support,
we have to, and I have to get a better narrative.
And I will look to my colleagues
in the other parts of Europe to get that.
Member states and big companies of the European Union
are participating in those projects.
So there are very tangible developments.
Thank you.
the Netherlands Dylan is doing something a lot
of concrete work just give us an example of some of
what the Netherlands are doing
that other countries can potentially take away when it comes to
strengthening security and not i don't want
to say it's not i'm not being facetious but not just
relying on NATO or having that kind of umbrella well
and thank you also for that question because
know for many many years in the Netherlands we have
been defunding the military and our armed
forces and when the large-scale invasion
of Ukraine happened i think like the rest of the
world we all realized it was way too naive just trying
to rely on the notion of peace it is just
not there so we've been starting investing in our own armed forces
but immediately also starting
support Ukraine.
And we support Ukraine on different levels.
We support with material when it comes to F-16s or tanks or drones,
with training.
And what we also do with so many different levels with funds,
we are really learning
for our own armed forces from Ukraine.
They are sharing their data with us.
So what they are experiencing on the front field
and in the battlefield, they are exchanging
their data with us.
So our armed forces are really training, as you speak,
every day with the knowledge the Ukrainians have.
Because as we know, and it was mentioned this morning earlier,
that at one point we were all trying to help Ukraine.
And now Ukraine is teaching us
because of what they have been experiencing.
But they have the most innovative army in Europe.
So we are learning from them.
And what we are doing at the same time, also for me very important
to keep the support of the Dutch public for all these efforts,
is investing in our own defense industry.
Because it was also, of course,
due to a lack of spending, not that strong anymore.
And in Europe we have that issue.
So we are investing in our own industry
and we do it in a way that we work together with Ukraine.
So we have our joint cooperation
when it comes to producing drones, for example,
which is helping out Ukraine, which is helping out our own industry.
And we are learning it for our own armed forces.
And I think that will be crucial for the upcoming time.
Because I see everywhere in Europe
and definitely in our part of Europe, well,
maybe even a lack of support towards Ukraine by the people.
And this is very important to keep that support
and to remain that support.
It is also important to show Ukraine
is fighting for our own safety and security.
We know that. We know that Putin will not stop in Ukraine.
but we are also investing in our own industry
and we are building up our own army, our own armed forces
with all the knowledge we get from Ukraine.
So I think that these three points are very important
and we have a unique position in our part of Europe
that our parliament and the people are really supporting these efforts
towards defence and towards Ukraine.
And it all starts with knowing
that this is not only helping out another country
this is also helping out yourself.
Romelu, thank you so much for that.
Romualdas, when it comes to Hungary, obviously you've had a change
in leadership relatively recently, so that's changed the dynamic,
but that support of the population, is it there?
You took in a lot of Ukrainian refugees as well,
so that kind of also changes the dynamic.
Absolutely. First of all, thank you for inviting me here,
because the previous government
was not allowed to join the European conversation.
Therefore, I really thank you for everybody
who invited us here today.
Yes, in April, in the middle of April, we changed the former
government and the main aim was to face it back to Europe,
to face it back to the West
in our point of view.
And we have a pretty large support still until the election phase,
but it doesn't mean that the mindset
of the Hungarian society changed dramatically.
So as you were a former officer,
a former chief of defence, so I see a little differently
the defense of Europe, of course,
in a more practical way than the theoretical and political
way. I was in a front line in Ukraine
when I was a chief of defense in 22. I visited
the whole front line to get the deputy chief of Ukraine.
So I know exactly what's happening
there. And it's horrible. We have to stop somehow.
We have to stop what's happening
there the ceasefire is more than essential would
be because every day people are dying there.
So I'm sure the whole Europe can agree with that statement.
We have to reach somehow
to have a ceasefire there. What is the difficulties? Let me quote here
Clausewitz and his triangle.
A war will continue if the will will
not change of the society,
the government and the defense forces.
Every war is about this. Somehow you have to turn
or have to break one of the edge of this triangle in both sides.
This is the basic principle
of every war. You cannot change it.
So therefore it's very difficult because if you see what's
happening in Ukraine right now,
both governments want to continue, both societies support this
one, and the defense forces just moving back and forth 10 kilometers.
So I cannot see any
reality this will change in a short period of time.
So if we talk about the Europe defense
is very important when it's happening in Ukraine,
in the Ukrainian soil, due to the Russian-Ukraine
war. But in parallel, we do not forget the other part of Europe.
And then for Hungary,
it's very important. So therefore,
our group just came back from the Baltic states, where
provided air policing to the three Baltic countries.
And parallel, please do not forget
the Western Balkan. If you see the Western Balkan,
it's a neighbor for us as well, not
only Ukraine, but the Western Balkan is very close to Hungary,
and Hungary continues sending
troops there, not only in the KFOR, but even the EU mission in Althea.
And I am very proud of our military,
because from the region, Hungary is the only one who
got the leadership there,
so Hungarian generals lead the KFOR and the EUFOR mission.
So this is what we have to do,
this is what we have to continue, that somehow we have
to find a common voice of the European countries,
not only the European Union, but the European
countries, to have somehow a common interest.
Because if you see the different countries as different interests,
and different countries
in Europe see the threats and the danger differently,
absolutely different from the point of view
from north and south and west and east
and even in the middle,
but somehow we have to have a red line
and we have to agree with different
and I'm sure that will be the basic
how can we continue and figure out
our common defence policy.
Well, that's an excellent point and thank you.
Tore, from the point of view of Norway,
obviously Norway partnering with
the Warsaw Security Forum for this edition,
you have a very different perspective.
Romelos already touched upon how different aspects of Europe
how they're touched by this European war in different ways
the further away you get from it
there is a completely different perspective
so how can Europe unite in order to sing the same hymn so to speak
first and foremost by stepping up
taking our responsibility
not leave it for the Americans as we've done for the last 40 years
And for Norway, the perspective is from a polar projection.
And what we see in the north at the Kola Peninsula,
the biggest concentration of nuclear arms in the world,
not directed towards Norway,
but towards Los Angeles, Chicago, Toronto, New York,
and of course towards London, Paris, Berlin.
Because even
though Putin is losing heavily in the front line down in Ukraine,
Losing 1,000 soldiers each day still, more than that in September.
And even though the Russian civilian economy
is a disaster and in recession,
the war economy is unfortunately going pretty well.
Even though he's struggling with that,
we can see that he still is heavily investing in the north,
in the northern fleet.
With new frigates, with new submarines, silent submarines,
which can leave the Barents Sea
and hide on the depth in the Norwegian Sea.
The Barents Sea is shallow waters, 200 meters deep on average.
The Norwegian Sea is down to 2,000 meters.
So we have to keep track of those submarines before they go out there.
And these submarines are silent.
So we say that we are tracking the sound of silence
for collective security of Europe and North America.
And even though he's struggling in the economy and in Ukraine,
he's heavily investing
in new capacities up there testing new weapon systems we
are watching that 24/7 365 days a week there's
a year together with especially
together with UK and and our American friends but also more common with
Germany and France going up there because this is a threat to the whole
alliance and we can see the new weapon systems now
in this testing season
Last year, they tested this Skyfall or Burevestnik missile,
which fled for 14 hours, which can also carry a nuclear warhead.
And they're testing this Poseidon underwater drone or torpedo,
which can travel at a speed up to 80 knots, carrying a nuclear warhead.
And it's designed to explode outside
a populous city to create a radioactive tsunami.
We are following these tests, and we are tracking this for the whole
alliance, reporting back to NATO and our close allies.
So this is the polar projection, and we need to keep this flank safe.
That is our task.
We are the ears and the eyes of NATO up there.
And we can also see, as the polar ice is melting,
the seas are opening.
And China has proclaimed themselves as a near Arctic nation.
being more often up there, building new icebreakers,
nuclear-driven icebreakers.
The northeast sea route is 5,000 kilometers shorter
from Shanghai to Rotterdam
than going through Suez, and Suez is a vulnerable place at the moment,
and will be for some years.
So we can see the strategic competition is also rising in the Arctic.
Therefore, also, we have this Arctic century together with NATO.
And we know that Putin has a kind
of ambiguity about China coming up there
because he wants to be a hegemon up there.
So the strategic importance of the Kola Peninsula
is getting even more important for Russia.
They're locked in in the Black Sea because of Bosporus,
controlled by NATO and Turkey.
They have problems in the Baltic Sea,
surrounded after Sweden and Finland joined by NATO.
so what's happening in the north
is getting more important for the whole alliance
so to deter Russia up there
to step up in Europe
to take the burden shift
seriously
I think Norway will lead
in that way in the north
and we think that's the main
responsibility for us
just to conclude about
the Americans
the Americans will stay in NATO because this is
homeland defense for USA
But we need to take our responsibility.
And we, together in NATO and the Ankara Summit,
we took responsibility for the burden shift for hunting submarines,
together with close allies, many of those sitting here as well.
And we used to say, if you're afraid
that the US is going to leave NATO,
or if you want them to stay, the answer is the same.
We need to spend more in Europe and Canada.
That's the best way to keep them close.
And if they should leave, we don't think so,
then we have to spend a lot more.
So the answer is the same.
Europe has to step up.
We have to take our responsibility.
We are going to do that in Norway,
and we will also follow up for Ukraine.
So thank you.
Thank you.
Andreas, we've had a really good overview now
of what individually countries are doing,
the broader picture,
the differences between the different regions within Europe.
Are these nations getting it right?
Well, definitely, you know, on the European continent, in the European
Union, defense is very much prerogative of member states.
So member states are coordinating their defense plans with NATO.
NATO is negotiating with member states
and finding agreement on so-called capability targets.
We, as the European Union,
we are coming with our economical instruments to help member
states to deliver what is needed for our defence.
So that's where we did safe loans,
now we have Ukrainian support loan, we are looking
for next MFF, we know that it will be much,
there will be much more money for common projects,
we are developing common projects, pan-European projects,
so a lot of things are really developing
European continent from that point of view,
and I agree absolutely with our Norwegian
colleague that really we need to understand very much
that our need to build our defence
capabilities is our own responsibility,
not because Americans do not love us anymore,
as somebody maybe thinks,
but simply because geopolitical development, global geopolitical
development and military development is going
in such a way that China is rising and definitely
Americans will shift, because of very clear defence logic,
much more of their resources
towards that region.
And this is, you know, we should maybe, how to say,
we should not allow ourselves to complain
too much about that development,
but really much more seriously and much more urgently
should look into our responsibility to take
this primary responsibility on conventional
European defence as it is now set in this NATO 3.0 concept.
That will demand a lot from us,
and not only to develop our material capabilities or strategic
enables where we are dependent on American services,
but also to find the institutional
ways how to become much more united on European continent
in order to have much stronger European
pillar of NATO, which is the same what NATO 3.0 is talking.
And that is why Commission President in her State
of the Union address, for example, she
said in a very clear way,
we need to understand that our institutions on European continent,
our doctrines and our decision-making,
which were created during peacetime, are perhaps
not fit anymore to those
developments which we are facing now.
That is why she proposed to look
into possibility to have what is
called European Security Council
with Norway, with member
states, and including Ukraine,
including United Kingdom, and even
Canada, which is close to
Europe. I think that those
developments, those transformations
are very important for us.
We need to understand that this is
really organic task
for us, and we need to build what is needed.
And I definitely want to just bring the rest of the
panel in, but just one more to you, Andreas.
You're talking about institutions across Europe,
but you know that European nations
are becoming increasingly polarized. I mean,
Hungary's just kind of coming out of that phase of it.
And you also know that the United States
and their security statement,
they are supporting those kind of populist leaders
who encourage polarization.
So this idea of institutions being,
helping spread this idea of Europe 3.0,
whatever, you know, NATO 3.0,
however you want to say it,
on the ground, it doesn't translate
because people aren't voting that way.
Well, people are,
if you were looking to opinion polls in general,
You will see very clearly that European voters,
European citizens, they are naming very clearly
that one of the biggest concerns for them is security and defense.
This is, you know, what we need to understand.
And second, they are looking very much
for Europe to becoming stronger in defense, even
on European defense, as they call.
So this is, again, very clear.
Second, definitely we need to understand that Russians,
Russia, Moscow, Kremlin, are using
all the hybrid instruments to weaken us politically.
So we need to defend ourselves, that's for sure.
And I will not discuss too much of United States domestic politics,
you know, midterm
elections and so on, that is politics, really.
We need to really much more to look into our own needs
and our capabilities.
And I see from American defence experts
and military experts very clear message that they
want Europe to become stronger in defence.
In my understanding, in order to become stronger in defence,
we need to become more united,
not less united in Europe.
So one of the problems which we are facing
when we are talking about material, you know,
things related with defence, about our defence industry,
is exactly what was described by
Mario Draghi.
Our defence industry is very much fragmented.
We do not have an integrated defence market.
That makes our industries not so strong as we would like to see.
And in order to overcome this fragmentation,
we need to look at how we can become politically
more united on defense.
That is where Security Council comes in with possibilities among us,
among, you know, member
states, especially leading member states,
to have much more clear vision and practical
decisions, how we can overcome our weaknesses, including fragmentation.
Thank you very much.
Still, more defence, arguably, is more spending.
And you've got this dual aspect.
You're the Deputy Prime Minister of the Netherlands,
also the Minister of Defence.
So you can see where the friction and the tension lies
because people are worried about the cost of bread, milk, butter,
whatever it is.
But to Andreas's point, more defence is more spending.
How do you take the people with you?
Well, this is the debate right now in the Netherlands.
On the one hand,
we have the reforms for the social affairs and the health care, but we
know at the same time this is completely disconnected from defense,
because if we don't reform,
then later on our children
and grandchildren will not have the best health care, for example,
or the social care we can provide them.
So that is the reforms, and we have the spending for defense,
and there are obviously people
and parties who are connecting those really
together. So it's very important for us
to make sure that they are viewed
separately. For me, as
the Minister of Defence, it comes also with
a huge responsibility to show the people
how we are spending the money.
And there's also a paradox in that right
now going on, that
the clearer the
aggressor gets, the clearer the enemy
gets, the less transparent
we can get about our spending,
because you don't want to give all the
information to your opponent.
So that's a paradox in our democracies,
and it's very important that we keep explaining why.
And I think that's
also a part of what we must do way better in the western part of Europe
and probably also the south, is that you
were just mentioning about the populist parties gaining ground.
It is, for a few of those parties, or a part of them,
it is also the Russian propaganda finding a very fruitful hearing
and a place they can send
their message to and i think that our narrative needs to get stronger
because the story of the
other is way less factual
and a way a lot more stronger for people to get connected to so we
had a very interesting debate last week
in the Netherlands i presented my budget i defended my
budget in parliament and i said in my introduction you know
and we have been calling Putin the
aggressor but we must be honest he is the enemy we
are not at war with him but he is very clear
about his objective towards Ukraine and the rest of Europe
and immediately the discussion started
in the Netherlands can we call him an enemy i
was like it's very clear about his motives so maybe
it's a better focus to sit on you know what
do we need to do and are we doing the correct things
and are we helping out each other enough instead
of are we allowed to call the opponent whatever
he is and and that showed me very profoundly that we
are lacking of a good narrative we are lacking
of a good story because in Poland
and around us the countries they know really well what Russian
propaganda is they know really well what
disinformation is and i think that the further you
get the less we realize
and we think that this fight this struggle is is going to be finished
with tanks and drones and counter drones
which is not this will start and end with communication
and who controls that part who controls the narrative
and i think that we have to be very
aware of that and we in our part of Europe need
your help to get that narrative right because you
know what you're talking about and it's too far for us
so this is also i think an interesting
level on protecting yourself but in the Netherlands
again it's definitely in our part of Europe i have
i'm very grateful that we have the majority
of parliament supporting the defense spending
a majority of the people supporting not only the defense spending
but also the extra help
we give to Ukraine the Netherlands
is in the top five countries helping out Ukraine 14% of the
military help comes from us as being a small country
which has been defunding our armed
forces for decades so we're done with being naive we're done
with relying on our big brother or
sister in America regardless of whomever is living
at the White House at that moment we have to be
able to stand up for ourselves
and I'm very glad that the Dutch public really does get that but for
me to remain to have their support we have
to and I have to get a better narrative and I will look
to my colleagues in the other parts of Europe to get that.
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