Is Xi Jinping's Former No. 3 the Next Target in China's Power Struggle? I China Insights

Huang Qifan, known as the Tumblr, has fallen, but the drama is just reaching its climax. Rumors suggest his son, Huang Ranfei, was taken into custody at a Hong Kong hospital chemotherapy ward. A friend who worked closely with him and jointly managed over 20 listed projects turned out to be Li Zhanshu's daughter, Li Chiansen, and Li Chiansen has already been taken in for questioning by the CCDI's Hong Kong branch and the Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption. There are even rumors that Li Zhanshu himself has been taken away. Some say this is Wen Jiabao's revenge, aiming to kill two birds with one stone. Some also say this is to vent the pent-up anger for Hu Jintao and Li Keqiang. Four years ago, that scene at the 20th National Congress has not yet finished playing out. This series of signals has pushed the Li Zhanshu family into the center of the storm. But interestingly, people only noticed that Huang Shifan is a political survivor, but failed to notice that Li Zhanshu is one too. Over the past decade, the Li Zhanshu family has been pushed to the center of the storm at least twice on the eve of important CCP political meetings, but he ultimately remained unscathed, climbing even higher instead. Can he escape it this time? The fate of one woman may have already given us the answer in advance. Today, let's talk about the Li Zhanshu family. The story of the Li family begins in Pingshan County, Hebei. You may not have heard of Pingshan, but there is a village under its jurisdiction that you have most likely heard of, called Shiba Paipo. Before the CCP entered Beijing in 1949, their final command post was established here. In the eyes of the CCP, this is a sacred revolutionary site. Li Zhanshu's grandfather, Li Kangxiao, was the principal of the village elementary school. He had four brothers, and the fourth one, Li Zaiwen, who was Li Zhanshu's great uncle, joined the party while attending university in Beijing, and later served as the vice governor of Shandong Province. His uncle, Li Zhintang, was a battalion commander in the CCP field army and died in the Fumei campaign in 1949 at the age of only 26. With a great uncle who was a high-ranking official and an uncle who was a martyr, this is a standard red family. However, having a red pedigree does not necessarily guarantee a smooth political career. Li Zhanshu did not attend a regular university. He studied at a regional finance and trade school and later attended night classes at a normal university. At the age of 30, Li Zhanshu was still just a minor section chief in the Data Division of the Shijiazhuang Prefectural Committee Office. What changed his fate was a letter. In 1982, this 32-year-old minor section chief did something very bold. He wrote a letter to Hu Yaobang, the chairman of the CCP Central Committee. At that time, the reform and opening up had just begun, and voices opposing socialism were starting to circulate in society. Li Zhanshu suggested that the whole country should sing the song Socialism is Good loudly. This letter was quickly forwarded to the publicity department of the Central Committee, and shortly after it was published in the People's Daily. The following year, at the age of 33, Li Zhanshu became the Party Secretary of Wuji County. Next to Wuji County is Zhengding County, and the Party Secretary of Zhengding County was named Xi Jinping. The two were similar in age and both in the Shijiazhuang area. They often attended meetings together, and some say they even drank together frequently. By all accounts, this should have been a classic tale of early brotherhood. But soon, these two became rivals. Two years later, Hebei planned to promote a young cadre to serve as the commissioner of the Shijiazhuang Administrative Office. Xi Jinping's father, Xi Zhongxun, specifically asked the then-Hebei Provincial Party Secretary, Gao Yang, to look after his son. As it turned out, Gao Yang didn't play along. Instead, he brought the matter up at a provincial party standing committee meeting and announced it in front of everyone. The implication that someone pulled strings left Xi Jinping deeply embarrassed. The position naturally went to local-born Li Zhanshu. In October 1985, Li was promoted, skipping a rank, to deputy secretary of the Shijiazhuang Prefectural Party Committee and commissioner of the administrative office. As for Xi Jinping, under the arrangements made by family connections, he left Hebei and traveled far to Xiamen, Fujian. With that departure, the two had no further intersection in their official careers for over 20 years. Li Zhanshu's career had many twists. In 1986, he became secretary of the Hebei Communist Youth League, a highly sought-after role. But after the June 4th incident three years later, Youth League cadres lost their promotion path, and Li was reassigned. In 1993, a turning point appeared again. Song Defu moved from the Youth League to the Organization Department. That same year, Li Zhanshu became a standing committee member and secretary-general of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee. The provincial secretary-general served Hebei Party Secretary Cheng Weigao, a Jiang Zemin confidant nicknamed Hebei's biggest contractor. At that time, many of the buildings all over Shijiazhuang were built by a company called Nanjing Second Construction, and this company was basically owned by Cheng Weigao. Back then, there was another person by Cheng Weigao's side named Li Zhen, who was in his early 30s and served as Cheng Weigao's secretary. People called him the number one secretary of Hebei. These two, Li Zhen and Li Zhanshu, were both by the party secretary's side, competing for his favor. You tell me, could they possibly get along? So these two had some intense conflicts. Li Zhen even once threatened Li Zhanshu, saying, if it were for a word from me, would you have your position as secretary general of the provincial party committee today? After their long struggle, Li Zhanshu lost. By late 1997, he was removed as secretary general, left only with a nominal standing committee role. The chief steward was now a figurehead. The following year, his former superior, Song Jiafu, stepped in to mediate. At 48, Li Zhanshu finally left Hebei, where he had spent most of his life, and went to Shanxi. Later, eight years after that, this Chen Weigao got into trouble and was expelled from the party. Li Zhen, who had threatened Li Zhanshu back then, was executed. Li Zhanshu, meanwhile, worked his way up in Shanxi from rural affairs to head of the provincial organization department, then to party secretary of Xi'an, and later moved to Heilongjiang, where he finally became governor and reached the ministerial level in 2008. Counting from 1993, when he attained the vice ministerial level, he spent a full 15 years at that rank. In 2010, the 60-year-old Li Zhanshu was transferred to Guizhou to serve as provincial party secretary. At 60, in the Chinese Communist Party, most officials are counting down to retirement, yet no one imagined his biggest turning point was still ahead. In May 2011, Xi Jinping, then vice president and designated successor, visited Guizhou for a four-day inspection. During these four days, Li Zhanshu, as the party secretary of Guizhou province, set aside all his work to accompany him the entire time. According to reports, the two of them even had a long private conversation during that time. More than 20 years earlier, they had both been county party secretaries in Hebei. Now, one was about to become the emperor and the other was about to retire. What did they talk about? No one knows. But a year later, everyone saw the result. At 4.10 a.m. on March 18, 2022, at the Baofuzi Bridge on Beijing's North Fourth Ring Road, a black Ferrari suddenly lost control, crashing into the wall on the south side of the bridge before hitting the guardrail on the north side. The car disintegrated on impact, and the engine flew into the middle of the road and caught fire. The man and two women in the car were all thrown out. The man driving died on the spot, and the two women, who were scantily clad, were both seriously injured. The man who died was named Ling Yu, and his father was Ling Zhihua, the director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and Hu Jintao's most trusted aide. With his son dead, the first thing Ling Zhihua did was cover it up. He immediately mobilized the Central Security Bureau, which is responsible for the safety of top central leadership, to help swap the bodies. Caixin later reported that in order to cover up the cause of his son's death, Ling Jihua reached a certain political agreement with Zhao Yongkang, who was then in charge of the political and legal system. However, the lid was ultimately unable to be kept on. By July 2012, the report on this car accident was made public for the first time at an internal party meeting. Only then did Hu Jintao realize that his most trusted chief of staff had actually kept him in the dark for four months. In that same month, Guizhou Provincial Party Secretary Li Zhanshu was removed from his post. The official statement was that he was being promoted to the central government for another appointment. Then, one of the rarest scenes in the history of the CCP occurred. On the morning of September 1, 2022, at around 8 a.m., state media announced in a news report that Li Zhanshu had taken office as executive deputy director. By 5 p.m. that same day, Xinhua News Agency announced that Li Zhanshu would take over as director of the general office. This meant two appointment orders were issued in less than nine hours. It was as if the takeover began in the afternoon, just after the morning report. At that time, the 62-year-old Li Zhanshu was already considered unlikely to squeeze into the central core circle. Two months later, at the 18th National Congress, Xi Jinping took over. It's said that the position of director of the general office was one that Xi Jinping had handpicked for his own person at the time, so some say that Ling Zhehua sacrificed himself, effectively paving the way for Li Zhanshu to rise to the top. A man who had spent 15 long years stuck at the vice ministerial level and was already counting down the days to retirement suddenly made a leap, jumping straight into Zhongnanhai like a carp leaping over the Dragon Gate. The first thing Li Zhanshu did after entering the general office was to follow orders to purge the people Ling Jihua had left behind. From then on, Li Zhanshu became the political stepping stone who would charge to the front for Xi Jinping, doing the dirty work without ever backing down. The first thing Xi Jinping did after taking office was, of course, to establish his authority. And at a time when the entire party was still watching and waiting to see what Xi Jinping was really like, it was Li Zhanshu who first shouted out the slogan. In early 2016, Li Zhanshu proposed strengthening the core consciousness, while the CCP officially established Xi Jinping as the core at the Sixth Plenary Session in October of that year. In other words, Li Zhanshu had proposed the core theory more than half a year in advance. He was the mastermind behind the core theory. Two years later, at the National People's Congress, he raised the rhetoric even further to the final say and the one and only, which gave rise to the subsequent term, Xi the one and only. After building that momentum, the next step was to break the status quo. The 2018 constitutional amendment removed the restriction that the president of China could not serve more than two consecutive terms, completely opening the door to Xi Jinping's lifelong tenure. At that time, the deputy head of the Constitutional Amendment Group was none other than Li Zhanshu. On the day of the vote, out of nearly 3,000 delegates, there were only two dissenting votes. And at that very same Congress, Li Zhanshu naturally ascended to the throne of Chairman of the National People's Congress, personally stamping his seal of approval on this historic turn of events. On the international stage, Li Zhanshu was even more the person willing to speak for Xi Jinping and take on political risks. In September 2022, six months into the Russia-Ukraine war, Li Zhanshu went to Russia to meet with Putin and held discussions with Russian lawmakers in Moscow. The official press release from Xinhua News Agency didn't mention Ukraine a single time, but Russian state television broadcast his original remarks. Li Zhanshu said that the United States and NATO had pushed right up to Russia's doorstep and that Russia had been backed into a corner. He stated that China understands the measures taken by Russia and is providing support in various ways. You see, while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was claiming neutrality every day, their own chairman of the Standing Committee was going to Russia and telling them that China would support them. This was essentially revealing the CCP leadership's true hand, which they couldn't say publicly, directly to Putin. Then there's the widely circulated incident at the closing ceremony of the 20th National Congress where Hu Jintao wanted to open the red folder on the table, which was said to contain the list of the new Politburo members. Hu Jintao wanted to confirm whether his hand-picked successor, Hu Zhenhe, was actually on that list. Over the years, Li Zhanshu's political rise on the front stage has been backed by the Li family's immense, unchecked privileges in the capital markets. And the one who has inherited all of this behind the scenes is Li Zhanshu's beloved daughter, Li Qianxin. Li Zhanshu loves writing poetry. It's said that over the decades, he has written hundreds of poems. He once wrote one for his eldest daughter, Li Qianxin, praising her for being talented and versatile, excelling in both literary and martial arts, even better than a boy. He described her as a jade held in the palm of his hand, just like a fairy from heaven. This daughter is Li Qianxin, born in 1982. Li Zhanshu also has a younger daughter, born in 1987, named Li Duoxi. Friends, please remember this name, as we will mention it again later. However, when talking about these two sisters, there is a major difficulty. If you search for official CCP resumes, there is not a single word about Li Zhanshu's family. Journalists in Hong Kong and the United States have been investigating this for over a decade, passing the baton to one another, yet they still haven't been able to confirm whether the woman in the Hong Kong financial circle named Li Qianxin is actually Li Zhanshu's daughter. Reporters from the New York Times even went to the Li family's ancestral home in Nangao Village, Pingshan, Hebei, hoping to find out something from the village, but they still came up empty-handed. They couldn't prove whether Li Qianxin is Li Jianxu's daughter. Let's first take a look at what she's done. As early as over a decade ago, Hong Kong media reported on this person, Li Qianxin. She holds a Hong Kong ID card and is the vice president of the Huaqing Association. What is the Huaqing Association? It's a club that brings together mainland princelings and the children of Hong Kong's wealthy elite to party. Her workplace is called CCB International, which is China Construction Bank's investment banking arm in Hong Kong, helping companies go public, handling mergers and acquisitions, and making investments. To put it simply, her company has a hand in a lot of the big money moving in and out of the Hong Kong stock market. While Li Qianxin is low-key, someone close to her isn't. In late June 2017, 32-year-old Singaporean Kai Hoabo suddenly burst onto the Hong Kong stock market scene. He personally poured about 1.5 billion Hong Kong dollars into it, snapping up shares of the Peninsula Hotel's parent company, increasing his stake from less than 5% to nearly 12% in one go, instantly becoming the second-largest shareholder of the Peninsula Hotel's parent company. The Peninsula Hotel is the oldest and most prestigious hotel in Hong Kong, and it is controlled by the century-old Kodori family. The young man suddenly appeared out of nowhere and started aggressively buying up shares, which made the Kodori family quite nervous at the time. The reporters immediately set their sights on him, and once they started digging, they found something incredible. In official documents, Kai Huabo is listed as a Singaporean with nine years of investment experience, but everyone who knows him says he speaks with a distinct Zhengzhe accent. He controls a Hong Kong-listed company called Thai United Holdings. He used this company to purchase the entire 79th floor of the central landmark, the Centre. It's said he spent 500 million Hong Kong dollars. He owned a racehorse named Red Hair. That year, the horse won a race at the Sha Tin Racecourse, and he stood on the track holding a bottle of wine, posing for pictures. What's even more surprising is the address he registered, 6 Stanley Beach Road, Hong Kong. Stanley is the most exclusive seaside luxury residential area in Hong Kong's Southern District, and there is another person registered at this same address, named Li Qianxin. The two of them also co-founded a company called Kai and Lai Membership, which refers to Kai and Lai respectively. So who does this luxury mansion belong to? A check with the Land Registry shows that in 2013, it was purchased for 15 million US dollars, or about 100 million Hong Kong dollars, by a company called Shishi Holdings. Shishi Holdings is registered in Hong Kong and incorporated in the British Virgin Islands. As we all know, the British Virgin Islands is a tax haven for offshore companies and a place where the wealthy from all over the world hide their money. And the sole director of that company was Li Qiansun, who was 30 years old at the time. At this point, one can sense that this Li Qiansun is no ordinary person and is very likely Li Zhanshu's daughter, but there is still no direct evidence proving that she is indeed Li Zhanshu's daughter. And this final piece of the puzzle was filled in by an internal document from a foreign Bank. Years ago, the SEC investigated Deutsche Bank for relationship hiring in China, where they hired children of Chinese officials to secure business. Deutsche Bank also conducted an internal probe, which was later obtained by the Süddeutsche Zeitung and the New York Times. This document mentions a woman named Li Qianxin, who was identified as the daughter of Li Zhanshu, and at the time, she was repeatedly pushing Deutsche Bank to hire another person who was her younger sister, Li Duoxi. Deutsche Bank's internal assessment was that this Li Duoxi was not qualified for the corporate communications role at the bank, but she still ended up receiving a job offer from Deutsche Bank. More importantly, this internal document also contained Li Qianxin's Hong Kong ID number. So the reporter took this number and checked it against the chairman of CCB International, and lo and behold, they found it was the same. Later, they checked it against the luxury mansion in Stanley, and the company jointly opened by Kai and Li, and found that the identity information was still the same. This same string of numbers linked the Deutsche Bank documents, CCB International, the Stanley mansion, as well as Kai Huobo and Li Zhanshu's daughter all together, confirming that this Li Qianxin is indeed Li Zhanshu's daughter. What happened next is quite interesting. In October 2019, before the New York Times published the report, they followed standard procedure and contacted Li Qianxin to request a response. As it turned out, just a few hours later, Joy Ease Holdings, the company that held the Stanley Mansion, was dissolved. What's unusual is that after the Deutsche Bank report came out, Li Qianxin was actually promoted to chairwoman of CCB International. You see, even after being reported and exposed overseas, not only was she fined, but she actually got a promotion. You have to understand, this CCB International is China Construction Bank's investment arm in Hong Kong. It's a state-backed entity. So why is that? Well, we'll get to that right away. Over the past decade, the Li Zhanshu family has been thrust into the spotlight three times. Yet each time, Li Zhanshu has miraculously weathered the storm unscathed. The first time was in the summer of 2017. That autumn, the 19th National Congress was set to be held, and Li Zhanshu was one of the key figures slated to enter the top leadership. The first to fire shots at him was Next Magazine, owned by Jimmy Lai. They exposed Kai Huobo's acquisitions and his potential relationship with Li Zhanshu, bringing it all to light. Then, the South China Morning Post published an article with a headline along the lines of What is the connection between the buyer of the Peninsula Hotel and Xi Jinping's right-hand man? The article stated that Kai Huobo and a woman named Li Qianxin were registered at the same address, and Li Zhanshu's daughter is named Li Qianxin. The result was unexpected. The article was pulled the day after it was published, and the South China Morning Post actually issued a public apology, stating that the article contained too many unverified insinuations. A month later, the author who wrote this piece resigned after finishing their final column. The owner of the South China Morning Post at that time was Jack Ma, but some say the real control of the newspaper was in the hands of the CCP's Hong Kong and Macau system, and the Hong Kong and Macau system has always been Zheng Qinghong's territory. An article was published, and then it was pulled. Friends, think about it. Who wanted to fire this shot at Li Zhanshu at the time? And who was it that forced the gun down? Then, a few months later, on October 25th, Li Zhanshu entered the Politburo Standing Committee as usual and became the third ranking figure in the CCP. The second incident occurred on New Year's Day in 2022. In the autumn of that year, the CCP was set to hold its 20th National Congress. However, just a year prior, at the end of December, specifically December 31st, 2021, the CPPCC held its New Year Tea Party. This is one of the occasions where the top CCP leadership is most fully assembled throughout the year. At that time, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, Wang Yang, Wang Huning, and others all entered one by one, but one person was missing, Li Zhanshu. At the time, officials did not provide any explanation. Then, two days later, on January 2nd, a well-known anti-corruption influencer on the mainland named Liu Kuan posted a whistleblower article on Weibo. It was about a coal mine owner from Hunan who invested in a coal mine in Guizhou in 2010, only to discover five years later that 170,000 tons of his coal had actually been stolen. And the mastermind behind the illegal mining was none other than the brother-in-law of the former main person in charge of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee. And who was the secretary of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee during those years? It was Li Zhanshu. Just two days later, a Chinese-American writer in New York revealed that when Li Zhanshu was in Guizhou, his daughter and son-in-law had a conflict with a mining entrepreneur, and Li Zhanshu personally wrote an instruction at the time saying that this entrepreneur should be set up. Later, the anti-Xi faction delivered this piece of incriminating material to the other six members of the Standing Committee, excluding Li Zhanshu. At that time, a rumor immediately spread overseas that Xi Jinping was about to tearfully execute Li Zhanshu. On the same day, Hong Kong's Ming Pao also published an article asking why Li Zhanshu was absent from the tea party, and even threw out a bombshell claim that Li Zhanshu was transferred to Xi Jinping's side back then because his uncle, Li Jianzhang, was an elementary school classmate of Zeng Qinghong's younger sister, and that he was actually someone planted by Zeng Qinghong at Xi Jinping's side. and that Li Jianzhang had recently gotten into trouble and was under investigation. So this kind of rumor is clearly intended to drive a wedge between Li Zhanshu and Xi Jinping. With Li Zhanshu's brother-in-law, son-in-law, and uncle all being exposed simultaneously, it certainly looks like Li Zhanshu is in trouble. And Li Zhanshu himself hasn't made an appearance for a full 10 days or more. But just when everyone thought Li Zhanshu was really in trouble, On January 11th of that year, at the CCP's seminar for provincial and ministerial-level officials, Li Zhanshu walked in and even sat on the podium right next to Xi Jinping. In September that year, he made supportive remarks in Russia, and in October, at the 20th National Congress, he held down Hu Jintao for Xi Jinping. You see, Li Zhanshu has once again survived the shedding tears while executing Ma Su scenario. At the end of 2022, Li Zhanshu retired. After he stepped down, the undercurrents targeting Li Zhanshu's family never ceased. In 2024, Zhang Shaolin, the former head of the propaganda department of the Heilongjiang Provincial Party Committee, was brought down. Some say he was one of Li Zhanshu's people, while others say that after Li Zhanshu retired, many issues surfaced and were even placed on Xi Jinping's desk. And now we arrive at this third time. At the end of this month, the CCP will hold the fifth plenary session, and next year is the 21st National Congress, which is the leadership transition year. Before that, on July 31st, Guo Wenqing, the former general manager of China Minmetals Corporation, turned himself in two years after retiring. It is said that he had connections with Li Zhanshu and Hebei in his early years and was a former subordinate of Li Zhanshu. In August, Deng Xiaolong, the party secretary of Wuding, who was once a subordinate of Li Zhanshu, was demoted to serve as the party secretary of a university. During the Badaihe meeting in August, there were reports that Li Zhanshu's old subordinate from Guizhou, current state councillor Zhang Yicheng, did not appear on occasions where she would have appeared in previous years. Then later, on October 10th, Huang Qifan and his son were taken away. On the 13th, it was officially announced, and on the 14th, reports that Li Qianxin was under investigation spread across the entire internet. By the 19th, others were saying that Li Qianxin was perfectly fine, and was attending a training course at Tsinghua University for the National Financial Regulatory Administration. Li Zhanshu, who stood firm twice over the past decade, will he be able to rely on his past merits to retreat unscathed this time? If you look closely, this time is different from the previous two in three ways. The first two times, they targeted his son-in-law, brother-in-law, and uncle, but this time it's Li Zhanshu's own daughter. The first two times, it was newspapers and influencers doing the talking, whereas this time, the incident happened first, people were arrested first, and only then did the revelations emerge. The first two times, Li Zhanshu was still in office, but this time, he has already been retired for three years. So friends, do you think Li Zhanshu can dodge this one? If you think he can, type won't fall for me. If you think he can't dodge it, and that he'll likely be taken down at some point, type will fall. And there is one person who seems to foreshadow the answer to this question. Back in July, we did an episode about Tong Liya's behind-the-scenes power broker. At the time, we followed the trail, speculating on who this person behind her was, and ultimately we traced it to a national-level leader on the same tier as Li Zhanshu. And the people who promoted Tong Liya all along the way back then, Tai Ning and Nie Chenxi, were both Li Zhanshu's old subordinates from his time in Hebei. I've put that episode in the comments section. For those interested, you're welcome to go watch it. It's very fascinating. Now, let's compare the height of Tong Liya's stage career over these past few years with the trajectory of Li Zhanshu's power. In the spring of 2018, Li Zhanshu became the chairman of the National People's Congress, the number three figure in the CCP. In 2019, the dance drama In the Distance, Here, which Tong Liya planned and led as the principal dancer, premiered at the National Center for the Performing Arts. At the 70th National Day Gala that same year, Tong Liya was the only host who was not on the CCTV staff payroll. On New Year's Eve in 2020, she shocked everyone by parachuting into the main venue of the CCTV Spring Festival Gala, pushing out the regular host Li Sisi, who is also the daughter-in-law of Cai Fu Chao, an official who fell from grace a while ago. At the time, the entire internet was asking, as an actress, how did she manage that? At the end of 2021, rumors of Tong Liya's remarriage exploded online, followed by an extremely bizarre scene. Posts were being deleted across the entire internet at lightning speed, and even sending the three characters Tong Liya in a private message could get your account banned. Some netizens were even invited for tea by the police for reposting it. How could an actress's name receive the same level of censorship and blocking treatment as the country's top leaders? And why was that? In July 2022, Tong Liya hosted the closing ceremony of the Hundred Flowers Awards, and then there was a watershed moment. In October 2022, Li Jianchu stepped down from the Politburo Standing Committee, and in March 2023, he stepped down as chairman. And starting from 2023, the situation where Tong Liya frequently appeared on national level political and artistic stages has almost disappeared. She is still making movies, but she is no longer seen at the center stage of those red galas. On February 14th of this year, for the Henan TV Spring Festival Gala, Tong Liya took the stage wearing a peony-themed performance costume. This time, her role was as a dancer. But six years ago, she was standing in CCTV's Studio One, hosting the Spring Festival Gala that the entire world was watching. Six years later, she ended up on the stage of a regional satellite TV spring festival gala and only as a dancer at that. In May, she brought In Far Away Places to Songshan Lake in Dongguan, Guangdong, performing for three consecutive days. Seven years ago, this dance drama premiered at the National Center for the Performing Arts, but today she has to take her troupe from city to city, worrying about every little thing in the group herself. For an actress, the size of the stage she stands on often reflects the power of the big shot behind her. From 2018 to 2022, Li Jianshu was at the pinnacle of power, and Tong Liya was basking in infinite glory. After 2023, Li Jianshu retreated behind the scenes, and Tong Liya returned to the public eye. So, do you think Li Jianshu will get into trouble? Alright, that's all for today. Thanks for watching, everyone. If you enjoyed my show, don't forget to hit the like button before you go. New friends, welcome to subscribe to True Viewpoint. Also, there's that fan hype feature. Every interaction you have helps my videos reach a wider audience. So, Zhengfei would like to thank you all in advance. Thanks for watching, everyone. We'll see you again at the same time this Thursday on True Viewpoint. Bye for now!