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Secretary Yellen, thank you so much for joining us this morning.
Thanks for the invitation.
Let's jump right in with today's figures.
What is your reaction, hot off the presses, to today's first quarter GDP data?
At a first read, it doesn't seem like a great mix if you consider that it's the first below-trend
growth in more than a year and a re-acceleration of inflation.
Give us your take.
So what I focus on most is the strength of consumer spending and investment spending.
And those two elements of final demand came in in line with last year's growth rate.
They grew at 3.1%.
So this is the underlying strength of the U.S. economy that showed just continuing robust
strength in the economy, firing on all cylinders.
There were drags from inventory, investment, and net exports that were larger than most
people expected.
A lot of the data there is actually not yet in hand.
There could be revisions.
But what's really important is private final domestic purchases or consumer spending and
investment.
And they grew solidly.
So you're saying essentially that this is an aberration because it's interesting, right?
It comes after IMF meetings just recently where a lot was said about the fact that the
U.S. is diverging from the rest of the world.
Do you think that is still the case with these numbers?
I think I still see in the underlying core drivers of economic activity considerable
strength.
So I think that the U.S. economy continues to perform very, very well.
And I think to me that was evident.
The headline figure was off a little bit.
But for reasons that are peculiar and not really indicative of underlying strength.
So peculiar but not concerning to you?
Not concerning.
But let's talk about inflation.
Because inflation is proving hard to bring down to the 2% target.
Federal reserve officials have talked about concern in housing and the services sector.
And again, we've seen services today.
Are we stuck here?
Or is the reality that we're going to have to bring in higher unemployment before we
can tackle this?
I don't see any reason why unemployment needs to rise to bring inflation down.
To me, the data says we're on a deluged path for inflation.
It's not exactly a straight line.
But when you look at the fundamentals here, you mentioned housing.
A significant contributor to inflation at this point remains housing services.
Now when we look at the market for new rentals or for rents on single family houses, what
we see is those rents have stabilized, in some cases fallen.
And ultimately, that is what over time is going to govern increases in the shelter component
of the CPI.
But if you have a rental contract, you live in an apartment, when your contract is up,
your landlord likely adjusts your rent up to the current levels.
So even though current levels are now for new rentals are stable, a lot of people are
still experiencing the upward adjustment to current levels.
In other words, there's a lag.
After conditions in the market stabilize as they have, it takes a while for the housing
component of inflation to come back to normal levels.
So I have no doubt that housing is going to, its contribution is going to be falling over
the coming year.
That's the single most important contributor to inflation.
And although we have a very good, strong job market, the labor market is doing very well,
not seeing evidence that the labor market is so hot that wage pressures are a source
of inflation.
So I believe the fundamentals here are in line with inflation continuing down back to
normal levels.
So what do today's numbers do to your expectations for rate cuts this year?
I'm not going to comment on the Fed.
It's up to them to decide.
I would simply note that Chair Powell has indicated that they want to see additional
evidence of a sustainable decline in inflation.
And they've not yet seen that.
But what they decide on rate cuts, the economy is clearly performing very well.
But I certainly don't see it as overheated.
The labor market is the strongest labor market we've had in 50 years, with unemployment
below 4% for the longest stretch, really, in 50 years.
And yet you don't see signs in the labor market of wage pressures sufficient to contribute
meaningfully to inflation.
So I think the IMF had it right.
We've got a good, strong U.S. economy.
The U.S. economy is responsible for a substantial share of global growth and is lifting growth
all around the world.
So considering the overall picture, do you think that inflation is going to play a factor
in or be a factor in the chances of re-election for this administration?
Well, I know that Americans are concerned with the high cost of living in a number of
different areas.
And it's President Biden's top priority to address that concern.
You know, health care costs are worrisomely high.
President Biden has enacted legislation to bring down pharmaceutical prices to cap the
price of insulin for seniors.
We've long had a shortage of affordable housing.
Housing is hard for a family's first-time buyers to afford.
He's proposed legislation that would make it easier for a first-time home buyer to acquire
a house and encourage sellers who, many of whom have locked in very low rates on their
mortgages and are reluctant to sell.
He's also proposed an incentive for them to put houses on the market.
So he's looking to lower housing costs to address that concern.
And, of course, all the incentives in place now for clean energy and subsidies really
to homeowners to be able to put in place, whether it's new windows or doors or solar
panels on the roof, to bring down their energy costs over time as well.
So you've touched upon a number of issues, and we'll try to tackle them one at a time.
Let's go back to the IMF and what was said last week.
You know, last week, as we said, the highlight was the divergence between the U.S. economy
and other global economies.
And many are worried that the dollar staying higher for longer is putting pressure on many
other economies around the world.
Problems like higher inflation, higher debt service costs.
Is this a dynamic that concerns you globally?
We want to see the entire world do well, but the Federal Reserve's first and foremost
obligation is to set monetary policy to be consistent with its goal of price stability,
which it's defined as 2% inflation.
And likely if inflation continues to come down, interest rates will moderate some.
It is true the dollar has been strong, and there are divergences globally in terms of
economic strength and economic performance, and adjustments of exchange rates in markets
is part of what enables countries to have different policies that are appropriate to them.
What measures can stem the dollar's rise?
Well, a key factor here is the strength of the U.S. economy and the level of interest rates.
My position has been that large countries with market-determined exchange rates,
allowing exchange rates to float with intervention occurring only in very rare and exceptional
circumstances, that that's appropriate.
I'd like to come back to that point, but first I wanted to ask you about deficits.
President Biden wants to cut deficits by $3 trillion by raising taxes on corporations
and on the wealthy in 2025.
But in the meantime, the IMF and bond investors have voiced alarm about the sustainability
of U.S. debt.
Does it worry you that there could be a return of the bond vigilantes that we saw
last year that was pushing up Treasury yields last autumn,
and especially if rates are staying higher for longer?
Well, we do have to have a sustainable fiscal policy, and President Biden is committed to that.
At the moment, the projection, I think the metric that I look at most carefully
in judging the sustainability of our fiscal path is the interest that we pay on the debt
measured in real or inflation-adjusted terms.
And our projection is over the next decade, with the cuts that,
deficit cuts that President Biden has proposed,
that those interest expenses, even where we are assuming and forecasting
in line with private forecasters that interest rates,
longer-term interest rates will be higher,
we're projecting real net interest costs of just over 1%,
which is manageable.
But we do need to bring deficits down.
And as you said, President Biden believes we should both invest in our economy
so that we can enjoy strong and equitable growth.
And his budget proposes to do that.
But at the same time, it asks corporations and wealthy individuals
to pay their fair share.
And I think both are possible.
But we do need to see the deficit go down.
I mean, on this, do you think that there's a problem with credibility
in the achievability of the plan, if you will?
Because even going into 2025, there's likely to be,
to continue to be a divided government.
So how can you convince both the markets and international institutions
that this can be grappled with?
Well, in spite of the divisions in Congress,
we did raise the debt ceiling.
We have actually enacted some deficit reduction
in connection with that.
The Inflation Reduction Act,
in spite of providing a lot of incentives for clean energy,
did provide a lot of additional resources
to the Internal Revenue Service.
We have a huge tax gap.
That's the difference between the taxes we actually collect
and the taxes that we do
if everyone was paying what they're supposed to pay.
That amounts to an estimated $7 trillion over the next decade.
That's a huge opportunity,
and there's more that we can do on that front.
That doesn't involve raising tax rates at all.
It just means spending enough on enforcement.
And I should also say customer service,
which the IRS has been tremendously deprived
of the revenue necessary to be a modern tax agency
that treats Americans well and helps them pay their taxes.
So there's a lot of revenue to be had there.
So we've actually done quite a lot.
In spite of divided government,
we've brought down prescription drug costs,
which both saves the government money
and lowers expenses for households as well.
And I think there's more we can do.
Many of the features of the Jobs Cut
and Tax Act of 2017 will expire next year.
And so Congress will have to address how to move forward.
There is deficit reduction involved in its expiration,
but it's also an opportunity.
For example, after years of negotiations,
in the OECD process,
something like 70 countries agreed to enact
a minimum tax on the global operations
of multinationals headquartered in their countries.
Many countries have adopted this.
The United States has not yet adopted it.
But several hundred billion dollars will come,
just for example, from adopting,
going along with something
that is certainly in our interest to do.
So just to finish on this,
so the clean energy tax credits,
you do not worry that the rising cost of this
is pushing back the goalposts, if you will,
for fiscal sustainability?
You know, dealing with climate change
and creating jobs throughout the country,
including in areas
that really haven't seen a lot of opportunity,
including coal communities that have been badly affected.
I think these are really important goals.
And we have raised our estimate
of the spending that will be associated
with this clean energy program.
What that means to me is it's really working well.
And eventually,
that is really going to make America more secure
in terms of our energy supplies.
We'll be less dependent on oil markets
and rid ourselves of the power of Putin, for example,
to make decisions that escalate
the cost of energy for Americans.
And it's going to, over time,
bring down energy costs considerably.
So I think this is a very important initiative.
You mentioned Putin.
So I'll jump to a very live issue,
which is disagreement among G7 nations,
among your counterparts,
on what to do with the $300 billion
in frozen Russian assets.
I believe you need to make recommendations
before the G7 summit in June.
And is it correct to say
that the leading option right now
is pulling forward the interest on those assets
in order to then issue bonds or loans for Ukraine?
Is this where the compromise,
in particular with European countries,
is falling?
That's an option that's been discussed.
The leaders have asked us
to give them a range of options.
So we've discussed quite a few.
I believe that, based on international law
and other factors,
that outright seizure of the assets
is something that's justifiable.
But that's not the only possibility.
We could envision the assets
serving as collateral
for borrowing in the market
to help Ukraine.
But the Europeans have taken
a very constructive step,
and that is that most of the
Russian assets held in Belgium
at Euroclear
have now converted to cash.
And Euroclear earns interest on those assets.
And the European Union
has agreed to segregate that interest
and essentially move forward
on a program in which
it would be transferred to Ukraine.
And this is an approach
that could be broadly supported
by countries that are concerned
about seizure of assets.
And some of the interest
could be brought forward
through, for example, a loan.
But there are a range of options
and we want to give several options
to the leaders to discuss in June.
Okay, so there's nothing that is emerging
as the key compromise solution here
as of now?
There will be a range of options,
but the strategy that you mentioned
seems like it certainly belongs on the list.
And from what you've said,
it sounds like it would be possible
without outright confiscation of the assets.
It doesn't require touching the assets.
And how does the new
Congressional Authority
for seizure play into this?
Well, the Repo Act
gives the President
the option, if he considers
it appropriate,
to actually seize
the assets
in the United States.
It's a relatively small
amount in comparison
with what's in Europe,
but it gives him that option.
Got it. Let's move back to currencies,
which we touched upon.
So last week, here in Washington,
you agreed with your counterparts
from Japan and South Korea
to, quote, consult closely
on foreign exchange market developments.
And you yourself acknowledged
the serious concerns regarding
the sharp declines in these countries'
currencies. The yen, of course,
I believe, is at the lowest level
against the dollar since 1990.
Would the U.S. consent
to Japan intervening in the currency
market to prop up the yen?
So our
expectation of all
major countries,
and this is a
G7 commitment,
is that
exchange rates will be
market-determined,
although intervention
when there are
disorderly markets or
excessive volatility,
we would hope
that that would be rare
and expect that
such intervention would occur
only rarely, only with
excessive volatility
and that they would
consult in advance.
And I don't really want to comment
on Japan
specifically or any other
currency, but those would
be our expectations.
But from your expertise, I mean, would you say
that the yen is out of line with fundamentals
at the moment? I'm not going to
weigh in on what the appropriate
value of the yen is.
Okay, so let's move to China
because you recently traveled there
and you warned during your trip
there about the overproduction of
electric vehicles, of solar,
other products, flooding the global market,
killing jobs.
It seems that thus far
China has not really acknowledged
the problem. Does the
U.S. need to act now
to protect these industries from
Chinese imports, even
as you and your counterparts are
discussing balanced growth?
Well, first let me
say they have actually acknowledged
the problem, and
in several recent
statements
the
issue of overcapacity
has been recognized.
So what I
think my responsibility is
is to
emphasize the undesirable
spillovers of
excessive subsidies
to everything in the
clean energy supply chain
and to make sure that that's
heard at the highest level.
I believe that I've been successful
in doing that, and I want
to emphasize this isn't just
a U.S. issue. This is an issue
for Europe, for Japan,
for emerging markets
like India and Mexico.
We're not the only
country that is concerned
by the market being
flooded with
goods that are being
at the moment, for example,
the capacity in China
to produce solar panels
I believe is on the order
of twice total world
demand. And, you know, we've seen
this play before.
The United States had a
healthy solar
industry
previously in the
mid-2000s.
Chinese supply
drove down prices
to the point where many
U.S. solar firms went out of
business. Now,
we're not trying to dominate
global markets.
We have no problem
with China
producing and selling globally
and exporting,
but the United
States and Europe and other countries
also want to have
some involvement
and ability to produce
clean energy products that are going
to be of great importance.
We're
concerned about
over-dependence on one single
country for total
global supply of this
full range of products.
That's not a healthy situation.
And we've purposely
put in place a set of
subsidies that are designed to
make sure that we have
a healthy industry
serving
U.S. demand.
So this is a concern to
us, and not only to us,
and China has recognized it.
They've agreed to extended
intense
discussion. A week
after I was in China,
senior
Chinese officials
came to the United States
attending the IMF World
Bank meetings, and we held
the fourth sessions of
our economic and financial
working groups.
This issue
was discussed intensively.
But this is a problem
that developed over
many years. It's not going
to be solved
in a day or a week.
So it's important
that China recognize the
concerns, begin to act to address it.
But we
don't want our industry
wiped out in the meantime,
so I wouldn't want to take anything
off the table. We're monitoring
spillovers, and
I wouldn't take anything off the table
as a response.
You know, we're having
engaging in a dialogue
about
balancing growth
in the domestic and global economies,
and
a long-standing
theme in discussions
about China is
the need to support domestic
demand, and in particular
to boost consumption,
not on a transitory basis,
but on a
you know,
for an economy at its
stage of development,
consumer spending as a share of GDP
is incredibly low
in China.
Its savings rate is close to
45%, and
for an economy as
large and significant
as China,
ending up exporting its way
to full employment is something
that's
not something that's acceptable
to the rest of the world.
You know, before your trip to China,
you said something that I think
baffled many,
which was in an interview
you said that
your thinking had changed with regard
to comparative advantage, essentially
in trade, and that you said that when you
were growing up, if somebody sent
you cheap goods, you would send them a
thank you note, but that now your thinking
has changed. Has your
thinking changed with respect
only to China, or has your thinking
changed on this writ large?
Well, particularly
with respect to China,
because this has been
historically, for the United
States, a special issue
with regard to China.
I think it's well documented
that
the United States
experienced what's referred
to as a China shock,
which was
a, after
China was admitted to the
WTO, its
exports to the United
States utterly surged.
That partly reflected
low labor costs, but it partly
reflected subsidies
and other Chinese policies,
and that
really ended up
with a huge
loss of good
manufacturing jobs
in parts of the country
that have really never seen employment
recover. So we have parts
of the United States that
have been doing very well.
The coasts.
We have parts of the country
that have really been
left behind and not seen
a lot of opportunities.
And generally, I'm in
favor, I've been in favor of free
trade, but it
has to be something that broadly
benefits
people throughout the country.
If it's something that benefits a small
group and
results in worse outcomes for a
large number of people, then
I have concerns about it,
and what we saw with China,
the people who lost
their jobs in that China shock,
which was estimated
about 2 million job loss,
they really did not
do well, and
there weren't interventions to help
them move on to something else.
We've seen the consequences
in
communities that have
suffered,
people who have not been able
to move on to something
declining labor force
participation,
wage loss,
non-existent wage growth
over decades, and I think
that's something that's had a
very negative effect.
So you don't think that this
sort of new thinking is a
harbinger or an excuse
for further protectionism?
I don't think it should be.
A couple of other questions.
Still on China, one other question.
You also warned Chinese banks
that they face sanctions
if they facilitate transactions by
Chinese companies to supply
dual-use goods to Russia.
This has been said it could be
a trade that would rebuild
Russia's military capabilities.
I believe Secretary Blinken, in fact, is
in China right now discussing
this very point.
Is it time to back up
your warnings by cutting off
Chinese banks?
Well, there's an executive
order that the President
signed that
gives Treasury the power
to sanction
foreign banks
in China or other places
that are
facilitating
the flow
of military goods to Russia.
That's an important
power and
it's
one that we would be prepared to use
if necessary.
We've had intensive discussions
with the Chinese
about this. I think they
understand our position
and it is
a tool that's available.
But nothing imminent?
I have
nothing to announce in terms of
sanctions.
You mentioned President Biden and we've talked a little bit
about industrial policy. This
administration has placed a lot of
emphasis on domestic production of
electric vehicles, of batteries,
but demand for electric cars
is falling
or is falling off, rather.
It does seem like this is the sort of product
that may require sort of constant
subsidies to prop up demand.
You've talked a little bit about this,
but let me push you somewhat
to say, has this been a wrong
bet by you and the President?
I think we're going to
see a growing and thriving
electric vehicle
industry in the United
States. We're already seeing that.
I think the
prospect for sales
of EVs, especially
as the charging network
is built out nationally
and the
adjustments take place
in the supply chain that
enable
car manufacturers to
qualify for the
$7,500
tax incentive
that's available for
purchases of these cars.
We've
issued
notices of proposed rulemaking
on how to qualify.
It does require
substantial shifts
in the supply chain
in particular, but we're seeing
that occur.
Battery production, electric battery
production in the United
States is just booming.
I've
been in Georgia,
Tennessee,
North Carolina,
other places to see huge
build-out of
electric batteries
for EVs.
I think we're going
to see swelling demand
in the years ahead, and the incentives
are all there.
I have a last question for you. You are an expert
on labor economics,
a giant
at the academic level, at the global level.
What is the one
thing that you tell
a person who is entering
the job market today?
One piece of advice.
I think it's necessary.
Learning and training has to be
a lifelong experience.
I encourage people
to take every
opportunity they have
to learn new things on the job,
to keep their skills updated,
and to have the flexibility
to be able to shift
what you do and take on new opportunities.
Thank you.
Thank you very much, Secretary Len.
It's been a pleasure having you with us.
Thank you. It's my pleasure.