LIVE: Department of State Daily Press Briefing

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State Department press briefing with principal deputy spokesperson Vedant Patel is held at the Department of State at 1:15 p.m. ET on Dec. 19.
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That is correct. So anyway, on behalf of the press corps, Sean will say more, I'm sure, but
thank you. Thank you. Thank you, Matt. Endeavoring to be honest and to be open and
course. So thank you so much. I'll let you take it away. Yeah. All right. Let's start with Syria.
So, you know, what is the latest there in terms of your guys' interactions with
HTS and others? Sure. And how you see things going? Sure. Matt, so it should be no surprise
to you. Not much has really changed since I talked about this yesterday. We have been in touch,
in contact with all the groups in Syria, including HTS. I'm certainly not going to get into the
private diplomatic channels, but we have once again, and we'll continue to stress upon everybody
that we have an importance of doing everything we can to find missing US citizens, including
Austin Tice and bringing them home. The secretary on his trip, which I know you were on,
stressed quite clearly the transition principles that have been the cornerstone of our ongoing
diplomatic engagements, principles that now have been taken up by countries throughout the region
and well beyond that, which if you'll humor me, our view is that when whatever government arises
out of this transition, it needs to be inclusive. It needs to protect the rights of all Syrians,
including women and minorities. Like all governments, it needs to
preserve critical state institutions and deliver essential services. And perhaps most importantly,
we want to see a Syria that does not pose a threat to its neighbors or the regions or Syrians,
or Syria being a place that's going to serve as a base for terrorism or allying with groups like
ISIS. Also, Syria is a member to the chemical weapons convention and has an obligation to
ensure that any chemical weapons are secured and destroyed. That continues to be
our North Star when it comes to our engagements as it relates to Syria.
Sure. Well, we can save all the comments for the end, but echoing Matt, thank you for being
accessible. I know sometimes the questions are not always comfortable. Some of them are comfortable,
but thanks for being accessible. Thanks for actually having the briefings, which hasn't
always been the case. Of course. To continue on Syria, could you say a little bit about the
situation in the North via the diplomacy on getting the ceasefire or getting truces?
Sure. So we talked a little bit about this yesterday. Our assessment continues to be that
the ceasefire in Manbij has been extended and that is holding, and we're closely monitoring
the situation around Kobani. As we talked about yesterday, Sean, that situation continues to be
fluid, but we have not drawn the conclusion that we're seeing larger scale fighting. I'm not going
to get into some of these private discussions, but we're working very hard to avoid an escalation in
the North, and that would certainly be of concern to us because it would limit the ability of our
local partners, the SDF, to continue to carry out our shared de-ISIS mission, which has been a top
U.S. policy priority in Syria. We'll continue to pay close attention to this, but beyond that,
we support the immediate de-escalation and cessation of violence in all parts of Syria,
and it's our view that this is the time to increase stability.
Sure. I know you said you didn't want to get into the details of the negotiations, but
Turkey has publicly said that they want the Kurdish fighters to disarm, and that's sort of
a red line for them. Is that something the U.S. agrees with? What's your conversation?
So I'm not going to get into some of these private diplomatic conversations, Sean. Our
focus is on promoting a Syrian-led political process while also ensuring a top priority for
us, which is maintaining the enduring defeat of ISIS and terrorism that's been originating in
Syria. Given that we know ISIS exploits instability, it's incumbent on all countries
with influence on the ground, including, of course, Turkey, to promote stability,
dialogue, and restraint. And ultimately, at the end of the day, Sean, we support
Syria's territorial integrity. A lot of those...
Jenny, go ahead.
Where is Roger Carstens? Is he still in Amman?
I don't have any specific updates to offer as it relates to Roger. What I can say as it relates to
our efforts to locate or ascertain more information on missing American citizens, including, of course,
Austin Tice, that that is a top priority for us in the region. It is something that we're
continuing to engage on around the clock. We are working with counterparts in the region.
We are working with interlocutors and making it very clear that this is a key priority for
the United States. I don't have any additional specifics on that line of effort to offer for
obvious region, which I'm sure you can understand, but this is something that will remain a focus
for us. Does this department have any comment on Vladimir Putin saying he would ask about
Tice's whereabouts after Deborah Tice requested his assistance?
I'm just not going to... I don't have anything to offer on that. If there is any country that
wants to play a constructive role in locating Austin Tice, we certainly would welcome that.
I will note, though, that for the many, many years that the Russian Federation has been the one to
prop up the brutal Assad regime, that Mr. Putin had the opportunity to try and help ascertain
the whereabouts or location or information about Mr. Tice, and hadn't done that in any of these
previous instances. So I guess actions are going to speak louder than words, but Mr. Putin is
welcome to do whatever he wants. What we are focused on is everything that we can do in our
disposal. I'm going to have something on Gaza. Roger Parsons. So you don't have anything
specific. So is he missing too? He is not missing. I don't have anything to offer.
He continues to be in the region, working on this very important issue.
So he's not back in D.C. Correct. He's still out in the Middle East.
Correct. He's in the region. I don't have any other updates to offer.
Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Austin Tice. Has there ever been any effort from this building
to communicate with Russia to try to ascertain Tice's location? Because obviously the hostage
discussion channels with Russia have been fruitful in the past.
I wouldn't be able to get into something of that level of specificity, Shannon. It has been no
secret for many, many years now that a priority for us in the Middle East region has been locating
and determining information about the whereabouts of Austin Tice. The Russian Federation has known
that. Every country in the region has known that. And we have indicated that to just about everybody
that this is a key regional focus of ours. And it's ultimately one of our main priorities,
the safety and security of the American people. No country on the planet needs an invitation
to help us in that work. If they feel a responsibility that they have information
that can help safely get American citizens home, no one needs an invitation. And I will just
echo what I said to Jenny again, is that for years and years and years, the Russian Federation
has been one of the main pillars that has propped up the brutal Assad regime. They certainly were not
useful interlocutors when it came to Austin Tice in that regards then. And so again,
actions are going to speak louder than words, and I'm not going to opine about what role they may
or may not have to play. Sure. But going forward, since at least Putin's words are indicating that
the top of the Russian government wants to play a helpful role now, will there be any effort by the
State Department to communicate with Russia to see if those actions will follow up? Again,
if a country has a constructive role to play in terms of sharing information about Austin Tice
or locating his whereabouts, we certainly would welcome any information as it relates to that.
All right. Saeed, go ahead. Thank you, Vidant. I'm not going to wait till the end. So I just
want to thank you for always being the perfect gentleman, always calling on me. It is something
that I never take for granted. I just want you to know that. You're welcome, Saeed. So I appreciate
every time you call on me. Sure. It's my pleasure. I know what that says. Let me just ask you on
Syria now. Is it, I mean, in theory, is it possible for U.S. officials to visit Damascus
while the Israelis are still bombing Syria? Are you talking about, is it in a feasibility sense?
I mean, you know, there's expectations that at one point you guys might just go to Damascus,
I mean, whether to look at, you know, the whereabouts of Tice or something else. Is it
possible, I'm just asking in theory, is it possible to go to Damascus, to go to Syria
while the Israelis are bombing Syria with American weapons? You know, Saeed, I'm going to
refrain from getting into the theoretical and hypothetical and what's feasible versus not. So
let me just say that as it relates to government officials and their travel to Syria, U.S.
government officials, specifically, I don't have anything to announce at this time. We're
continuing to assess the situation and consider when it might be appropriate for us to send
personnel into Syria beyond our previously discussed concentrated presence in the northeast.
Yeah, but it would be, you know, natural to expect that you would call on the Israelis to
cease and desist while U.S. officials are there, right?
In any corner of the world, we of course take the safety and security of our diplomats
doing just about anything that is tantamount to us. I certainly appreciate the point that you
may be trying to make. As it relates to government official travel into Syria,
I just don't have anything to announce.
Okay, I'm going to go into Gaza and the Palestinian issue, if you allow me.
Yeah.
Yesterday, or this morning, I think, the Secretary of State said that, you know,
he keeps saying this, that Hamas should realize that the calvary is not coming to save them.
Is he basically saying that Hamas ought to surrender? Is he basically saying Hamas ought
to surrender?
Well, Saeed, when you look at the trajectory of this conflict and the things that we have,
we've been working so tirelessly on, of course, what is required here for this conflict to end
is an agreement between two parties, of course, Israel and Hamas. And we have seen time and time
again, Hamas's unwillingness to engage in good faith, its unwillingness to accept deals that
have been on the table. Of course, now, you know, it is always going to be incumbent on both of
these parties, Israel and Hamas, to come to an agreement. And what we're working on intensely
is to bring a ceasefire to the finish line so that ultimately Palestinians and Israelis can
live securely. And perhaps most importantly, the remaining hostages, including the Americans,
can be returned home. We think a deal is possible. I don't have anything new to announce,
but are hopeful that parties can come to an agreement soon.
Okay. But I mean, the language of the Secretary of State on this issue, it seems like he's saying
that what Hamas was suing for, which is a broader war, did not happen and will not happen. So now
there are no terms. That's what you're saying, that what we have had back in May, on May 31,
when the President of the United States said, I have a deal, I have a suggestion,
this decision is in Israel. This is no longer on the table, correct?
I can't opine on what Hamas's thinking or strategy is, Said.
More on your thinking, not Hamas's.
Our thinking is that we think a deal is possible, and we're working intensely to bring that ceasefire
across the finish line. But absolutely, the Secretary is correct, and I would echo what he
had said. Hamas, and through malign actors like Iran, it was very clear that perhaps a possible
end goal here was a broader regional conflict. Out of much great work on behalf of the United
States and its allies and partners, that has largely been avoided. And that is what the
Secretary was alluding to.
Let me, a couple of other questions, a few on my colleague's indulgence. I wanted to ask you
about a report in Haaretz, where it was reported that they really have a kill zone. And it doesn't
matter, children or not children, whatever it is, they kill. I wonder if you saw such a report,
and if you have any comment on it.
I've not seen that specific reporting, Said, so I'm not sure what you're referring to specifically.
Well, it's a report in Haaretz about the military crossing, and they basically have
established a kill zone. And anyone that comes close to that kill zone is shot dead. There are
kids, time and time again, that were shot. If this is the case, is this a war crime?
So, Said, again, I'm just not familiar with this policy. And we have stressed again that
for Israel, every civilian casualty is a tragedy, and that they not only need to comply with IHL,
they need to take every possible step to prevent civilian harm. Broadly, though,
we of course support Israel's right to defend itself. But as it relates to this,
I will defer to the IDF to speak to any operational adjustments they may or may not
be making in the region. I'm just not familiar with this.
Okay. And finally, I want to ask you about aid. It seems that one-third of the aid required has
entered Gaza since the beginning of December. Do you have any comment on that? Because I know
that you guys were pushing for more aid, there was that famous letter, and so on. So where are
we with aid? These are conversations we continue to have with counterparts in the region, including
with our Israeli partners. We're stressing that every possible measure needs to be taken to
open more border crossings, do everything we can to open more commercial corridors,
and really take additional steps to bolster the humanitarian flow into Gaza. I believe it was a
number of weeks ago I talked about some of the steps that have been taken by the IDF and COGAD
and others to help be on the right track. We continue to think that is the case, but there
is no silver bullet here, and we're going to continue to pursue this at all angles.
Yeah. I know you commented on Amnesty Report, but Human Rights Watch released a report accusing
Israel of genocide. I believe also today Doctors Without Borders had a report that's accusing
Israel of ethnic cleansing. I'm not in suspense about what your response is going to be, but what
does the U.S. feel about this? Do you think that there is something to it, something worth checking
out? How do you feel about that? First, why don't we break those into two questions,
Sean. First, I will defer to Doctors Without Borders to speak to the details of their report.
What I can say is that even within their report, they make pretty clear that they don't have the
legal authority to determine intentionality, and I certainly don't have an assessment from
the U.S. government to offer today as it relates to ethnic cleansing, but we continue to appreciate
the important role that's played by civil society organizations, including Doctors Without Borders,
and we're deeply concerned about the scale of civilian harm in this conflict. We're continuing
to emphasize that the parties need to comply with IHL, but most importantly, it is because of the
circumstances and the crises that we're seeing that we are working so tirelessly on an agreement
to stop the war and bring all the hostages home and ultimately improve the humanitarian situation
and get us on a path to an enduring resolution to the conflict in Gaza. That's what we are
squarely focused on. On Human Rights Watch separately, it should come as no surprise
that we disagree with the conclusions in this particular report. We certainly appreciate the
role that groups like Human Rights Watch have played over the course of this conflict,
but also other conflicts around the world. We disagree with the conclusions, and we have not
concurred with past findings regarding genocide, and we do not now, and we do not believe that term
applies here. Now, if you all remember, when it came to the National Security Memorandum Report,
NSM-20, as some of you like to call it, we previously had said that it's reasonable to assess
that the IDF in certain instances didn't meet its IHL obligations, but on something like genocide,
that is just a conclusion that we disagree with. We've disagreed it when other entities have come
to this conclusion and do so here. But ultimately, again, I'll stress the same point that I said in
the context of Doctors Without Borders, is that we're continuing to work towards an agreement to
stop the war, bring all the hostages home, and put it on a path to a resolution to the
conflict in Gaza. Just briefly, one thing specifically Human Rights Watch is saying
to base this on is water access, saying that a large number of civilians likely died because
of lack of water access, and what they're saying is Israeli actions. What's your assessment of that?
Is that an equally concerning finding, and why does the U.S. not think so?
Certainly, we need to be doing everything we can to ensure that water access is strong,
and that everybody who needs water in Gaza is able to get it. That is something that we have
stressed when we have talked about the influx of humanitarian aid, of the need for products
like water and food and shelter and medicines. But again, specifically, when it comes to a
termination of something like genocide, the legal standard is just incredibly high, and so the
finding in this scenario, we just disagree with. That does not take away from the fact that there
is a dire humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and it doesn't take away from the fact that, of course,
there are so many in Gaza who are struggling from water scarcity. These are the kinds of
things that we're continuing to press with partners in the region, including with Israel.
This report is not a lone thing. It did not come out of the blue sky. I mean, two weeks ago,
there was an anti-Muslim international report saying exactly the same thing. It's genocide.
Other organizations said the same thing. So you will continue to dismiss this,
but the facts on the ground speak to genocide.
Said, organizations not affiliated with the U.S. government have the right to draw any conclusion
based on their analysis that they want to and they can, and we certainly welcome the work that
they do. But on the perspective of the U.S. government, I will stress again, as I did stress
in the scenario of Amnesty International, that this is not a conclusion that we agree with.
Jenny, go ahead.
How is the U.S. government making these conclusions, given you have no one on the ground?
Jenny, the point that I'm making is a broad one, that the legal standard for genocide is incredibly
large. But you've also heard us say previously, and I just spoke about that in NSM 20, we made the
conclusion that it was reasonable to assess that the IDF in certain instances didn't meet its IHL
violations. But in the context of genocide, we just disagree with this conclusion. Our belief
is that this is a legal standard that is incredibly high, and we get into conversations about things
like intentionality or not, and our assessment is that that's just not been the case in this scenario.
Other than the NSM 20 conclusion, have there been any other scenarios or incidents that
you've been investigating that you've come to a final conclusion on that this was a human rights
violation, for example?
We've spent a lot of time up here, Jenny, talking about the deliberative processes that we have.
Sure, but has that deliberative process ended in any of the instances you did?
These are processes that are ongoing, and I don't have any other conclusions to share today.
And then my last question related to this, there is another Foreign Service officer who resigned.
He said over inaction over Gaza, the fact that he said that his
findings and reports to the department were largely ignored. Do you have any response?
So I'm not familiar with the specific circumstance. I will just say that someone's decision to
work here or not or stay employed, that's ultimately a very personal decision.
I will say from the president on down and the secretary, we welcome and encourage
differing points of view, descending points of view. We think that the end product is,
again, better public policy. This is nothing that you haven't heard me say before.
And I will say that when it comes to our policy as it relates to the Middle East,
particularly our policy as it relates to the conflict in Gaza, this is something that we
continue to be incredibly deliberative about, and we welcome varying points of view on what our aim
is. But at the end of the day, I will just say again, is that we are working tirelessly to do
everything we can to get the ceasefire proposal across the finish line and stop the war and bring
all the remaining hostages home. Sorry. Yeah, go ahead. The question was about,
maybe this should be directed to Jen. This is about the guy who resigned in July.
Five months, more than almost six months. Was there a question?
Well, no, I just wanted to make sure I understood who it was.
Got it. Jenny, go ahead.
Two questions on South Korea, Russia, and North Korea. Deputy Secretary Campbell said
he would hold the high-level face-to-face diplomacy with South Korea's acting President
Han Deok-su within weeks. In South Korea, the top diplomacy and security officers
currently suspended their work and arrest. The South Korean opposition party's impeachment bill
includes a diplomatic assessment. My question is, is it possible for South Korea and the United
States to have normal diplomacy in this situation? And do you think a diplomatic
evaluation can be grounds for impeachment?
So let me just say, make two broad points first, Jenny, that I want to be very clear about. First
is that we strongly support the Ironclad Alliance that joins our two countries together. And that's
done so much over the last few years, especially under the Biden administration. In recent years,
the alliance has made enormous strides and the United States looks forward to partnering with
ROK, achieving further progress. But if you recall, on the Secretary's trip, he said the
most important thing as it relates to the current issues ongoing in South Korea is that the Republic
of Korea has demonstrated its democratic resilience. And that's something we strongly
support. And we strongly support the Korean people throughout this process. We've seen what's
happening. We've seen it follow peacefully, a process that is clearly laid out in the ROK
constitution. And we'll continue to be ready to work with acting President Han and the ROK
government. And we'll look forward to sharing engagements in the future, should any get
scheduled.
Second question. President Putin has been called to the International Criminal Court
as a war criminal who started the war in Ukraine. And should North Korea's Kim Jong-un,
who is helping Putin in the war, also be referred to the International Criminal Court?
I don't have a legal determination or an assessment to offer on that, Janne. What I
can say is that the DPRK continues to be a regime that represses human rights. And not only that,
it is a volatile regime that has contributed to much of the destability that we're seeing,
not just in the region, but also encroaching in other areas like Europe as well.
South Korea said yesterday that it estimates that at least 100 North Koreans have died so far,
fighting on behalf of the Russians. Does the U.S. have any assessment?
Thanks, Sean. Our assessment is that there have been several hundred casualties of DPRK
soldiers in Ukraine. That's what we're seeing. But I'm not in a place to
parse it more specifically for you than that.
Casualties, of course, could mean wounded or killed. Are you specifically North Korean?
Correct. Yes, that is correct.
And just briefly, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield yesterday suggested that Russia might formally
conclude that, except North Korea is a nuclear weapon state. Is that something that
you're tracking? Is that something that you think could be imminent?
Well, I don't have a timeline to prognosticate on, Sean. But should that come to fruition,
should the Russian Federation make that declaration, it of course would be what we would
view as another step in a long line of examples of the closing of relationships between these
two countries. And it would be of great concern to us. Alex, go ahead.
I don't have it. I'm not in a place to parse it more specifically than that.
Thank you. Of course, I want to echo everything my colleague said. I can't thank you enough for
being always accessible, available, and professional. I have so many adjectives to
offer. Thanks, Alex.
Depending on how you answer my questions on Georgia, let's unpack a little bit the
sanctions that you guys have announced. Sure.
So you have sanctioned two more violators with Magnitsky sanctions. And on top of that, the state,
according to the press release, is taking further steps to impose visa restrictions on additional
Georgian individuals and members. Can you put some figure of value on how many violators
in total today? Sure. So, Alex, to give some additional color for the room on this,
today, the Department of Treasury's OFAC imposed sanctions on Georgia's Minister of
Internal Affairs and Georgia's Deputy Head of the Ministry's Special Task Department.
These are leaders who have been involved in the brutal crackdowns on members of the media
and peaceful protesters, including during demonstrations throughout 2024. The Department
of State also announced that it took steps to impose additional visa restrictions on individuals
responsible for or complicit in undermining democracy in Georgia and their immediate family
members. Alex, these actions follow the visa actions that we announced last week. And ultimately,
this is something the United States strongly condemns, Georgian dreams,
ongoing brutal violence against Georgian citizens, Georgian protesters, and members of the media,
human rights activists, and opposition figures. Our view is that the Georgian
Jewish party has turned away from Georgia's Euro-Atlantic future, which the Georgian people
overwhelmingly desire and the Georgian constitution envisions. We remain committed
to promoting accountability for those complicit in human rights abuses and undermining democracy in
Georgia. In terms of the numbers, on top of the hundreds of violators that we have sanctioned
until last week, how many new names have been added to the State Department?
So, I just spoke about those two ministers at the top of answering your question.
I will see if there's a more technical breakdown for you, Alex, but I think
I've parsed it as much as I'm able to.
Look, Alex, as you've heard us say before, taking one designation or taking a particular action one
day doesn't certainly designate us doing something else in the future. This is just the latest
example of the United States using the tools at its disposal to hold perpetrators in Georgia
accountable, and we, of course, continue to have these various tools at our disposal.
That means it's not the end of your campaign?
I'm just not going to preview potential actions.
Is it fair to say that this is a reflection of bipartisan will? President-elect Trump met with
me a couple of weeks ago, and we've heard different views.
I'm just not going to—I will let the incoming administration speak to its own foreign policy.
What I can say is that this is a priority for us, based on our values.
But I also want to thank you for your presentation, echoing my colleagues.
I have a question on Syria. Evidence of war crimes in Syria, including, you know,
mass graves and evidence of torture in prisons, continues to emerge. I was wondering,
what is the U.S. position on investigating these crimes committed by the Assad regime,
and are there any, you know, actions the U.S. is planning to take regarding accountability?
So the Assad regime, let's be very clear, the Assad regime brutalized, detained,
disappeared, tortured, and killed hundreds of thousands of people in Syria.
And now, at long last, the Assad regime has fallen. That is a fundamental act of justice.
It is a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better
future for their proud country. It's also a moment of risk and uncertainty. And what we are focused
on is looking to work with our partners, with the stakeholders in Syria, with the Syrian people,
to seize this opportunity and manage that risk. And going forward, what we're going to do is
engage with all communities in Syria to establish an inclusive transition away from the Assad
regime toward an independent, sovereign Syria that respects human rights, takes all precautions
to protect Syrians, and upholds international humanitarian law. We want to establish an
infrastructure to support Syria's neighbors, including Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey,
and Israel, should any threats arise from Syria during that period and transition.
And we want to maintain our mission against ISIS and protect our forces against any threats,
maintaining security of detention facilities, displaced persons camp, etc.
But on the account of all these war crimes, do you support any international or independent
investigation into Assad regime's war crimes, potentially maybe referring him
or the regime officials to the ICC?
So, Rabia, in practicality, I'm just unsure how that would ultimately work, given that
Mr. Assad is not in the country. And ultimately, that is something that is for the future
governance of Syria and the representatives of the Syrian people to determine. Make no mistake,
the Assad regime is one that brutalized, detained, and killed hundreds of thousands
of people in Syria, and something that we think is incredibly serious and concerning.
But the Assad regime has fallen, and that in itself is an act of fundamental justice. We are
now focused on doing everything we can to engage stakeholders in Syria, first and foremost,
the Syrian people, to chart a new path forward.
Do you plan to engage or cooperate with the new government in Damascus to identify these war crimes?
We are engaging on a variety of areas.
Whenever I ask questions about Southern Central Asia, that's my topic. We have a lot of words
making headlines in Pakistan. So thank you so much.
The Pakistani government has criticized the United States for imposing new sanctions
against countries' long-range ballistic missile program,
labeling the move as double standards. How would you respond to this?
So let's take a step back. The U.S. is committed to maintaining the global non-proliferation
regime, and Pakistan is an important partner in that. However, we have been clear and consistent
about our concerns with Pakistan's long-range ballistic missile program. It is a longstanding
U.S. policy to deny support to Pakistan's long-range ballistic missile program. The
Department of State will continue to use sanctions and other tools to protect our national security
and ensure that U.S. exporters and U.S. financial systems cannot be abused by proliferators. And
it's our hope to continue to engage instructively with the Pakistani government on these issues.
Many analysts in Pakistan believe that with these sanctions, the U.S. is trying to target
Pakistan's nuclear program. Is it true? Does the U.S. have concerns about Pakistan's nuclear program?
So these designations are based on our concerns regarding Pakistan's long-range ballistic missile
program, but they don't affect other areas of U.S.-Pakistan area cooperation, which we have
a great deal of. Yeah, go ahead. Thank you, Iran. This is Shahab
from Bangladesh. The family members of military army officers have filed a complaint with the
International Crime Tribunal against 57 people, including former Prime Minister of Bangladesh
Sheikh Hasina, in connection with the BDR killing in Dhaka's Pilkara. The complaint was filed by
family members by Advocate Uday Shamir yesterday, today actually, this morning. Do you have any
comment on that BDR killing case, Sheikh Hasina? I've not seen that latest reporting,
but I'm happy to check with the team and see if we can get anything for you.
Sean, go ahead. Yeah, I want to see if Paul Watson, the
Wayland activist, maybe this was in their bingo card from when you asked questions, but
Greenland, the Danish authorities in Greenland have freed him. They refused to extradite him to
Japan. He's a US citizen. Does the US have any comment on that?
We don't. This is largely, it seems like a matter for other jurisdictions. I'm happy to check if we
have any perspective to offer, but I don't have anything to share as it relates to this in the
back. Thank you very much, Shahab,
with regards to the sanctions announced against Pakistan's entities contributing to ballistic
missile. Would it not be better if it would have been resolved diplomatically? Do you think that
will the restrictions will have any kind of restricting effect on Pakistan?
I kind of just answered that question. Look, these sanctions are in place because of our
longstanding concern about Pakistan's long range ballistic missile program. It is not
meant to color the other areas of cooperation that we have between the United States and Pakistan.
We expect those areas to continue to go forward.
Taka, you had your hand up.
Today, he took us 76 questions and he said Russia is ready for negotiation and compromise with
Ukraine. How do you take his comment?
I don't think anything. I don't really take anything or have a particular reaction. We
have long said that it is up to the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian government to decide
what path it wants to take as it relates to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This administration
has been proud to unearth the kinds of assistance that we've had economically, militarily,
and others to continue to support our Ukrainian partners. Our focus is doing everything we can
to continue to put them in the strongest position possible.
If you want to talk about the U.S. and India space delegations,
what are we doing about these space agreements and missions?
Can you be a little bit more specific about what you're referring to?
There was an Indian ambassador and deputies. They went to Houston as a delegation for a space
agreement between the two countries.
We put a readout out about Deputy Secretary Campbell's travel to Houston. He was accompanied
by Principal Deputy National Security Advisor John Finer and Ambassador Quatra. They had some
important engagements with space officials related to India. I'll just point you back to that readout.
As we come to the end of the year, millions and millions of people around the globe are still
suffering from basics because of these two continuing ongoing wars in the Middle East,
and also Ukraine and Russia. They are hoping still when these wars will end and they will
have better lives ahead for them. That is something that we are
focused increasingly on, is doing everything we can in the context of Ukraine to make sure our
Ukrainian partners are in the best position possible, that they continue to be in a place
of strength. We have stressed that no decision about Ukraine can be made without Ukraine as
part of that conversation, without part of the table, and that will continue to guide
our strategy going forward. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Pakistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs called double-stranded
what you did with the missile sanctions. I have a broad question. You sanctioned the
Georgian Interior Ministry because of undermining democracy. Meanwhile, you sanctioned
Pakistan's ballistic missile program. But Pakistan called it necessary for strategic defense.
At the very moment, you have a big embassy in Pakistan and they have observations and they
overlook a number of incidents in Pakistan. There are actors who are undermining democracy
over there. They are attacking, crackdowns on protesters. Categorically, you are doing things
that are linked with Pakistan's strategic defense. But regarding democracy, you have
some different standards. Is that double-stranded, we can say?
No, not at all. I think it's highly inappropriate to try to compare situations in countries as if
they are apples and apples. That is simply not the case. Each country is different. Each
circumstance is different. These sanctions that we've made in Pakistan are rooted in,
as I have said now three times, our longstanding concerns about their long-range ballistic
missile program. It is not a bearing on other areas of cooperation between us and Pakistan.
Our sanctions in Georgia have been in large part because of the crackdown that we have seen and
the turn that we have seen the Georgian Dream Party take, which in our view is not just a turn
away from Georgia's constitution. It's a turn away from the will of the Georgian people. Ultimately,
though, we, of course, are going to stress the importance of democracy and governance
everywhere in the world. Go ahead, Alex. We'll give you the last question.
Armenia, please.
Sorry?
Azerbaijan, Armenia. You guys have invested immensely for this peace effort. You told me
a number of times before that this is a topic that you personally are interested in. How
frustrated are you that your efforts have not panned out?
You know, Alex, we try not to focus on frustrations and just continuing to do the work.
Secretary Blinken has long said in a lot of areas that it's the so many days of just hard work until
something comes to fruition. I probably really butchered that quote, so you'll forgive me. But
this continues to be an area of vital importance to this administration and to the Secretary,
and we'll continue to work at it until our last day in office. Okay.
There is at least one lawsuit, I believe, that's being filed today on behalf of Palestinians,
Palestinian Americans, LPRs, and family members that basically is suing,
about to sue the State Department for not evacuating them from Gaza.
I realize that you won't talk about it in the lawsuit.
Sure.
Is it the State Department's belief that it has a legal obligation to evacuate or rescue
American citizens from places where there is conflict?
So you're absolutely right, Matt. I'm not going to get into commenting on this,
given that it is pending litigation. I'm also not going to opine on our legal obligations or not,
because I am not a lawyer. But what I can say is that-
Well, you don't need to be a lawyer. Does the State Department think that it has a legal
obligation?
I'm just not in a place to offer a legal assessment.
To rescue or to evacuate American citizens?
If you'll allow me, what I am happy to offer is that the safety and security of American citizens
around the world is our top priority. And in crisis scenarios, in every corner of the earth,
whether it was Haiti, whether it was Sudan, whether it was Niger, whether it was Lebanon,
whether it was the conflict in Gaza, Israel, we have unearthed avenues to help American
citizens safely depart in creative ways. Whether that means deploying additional consular officers,
trying to turn on modes of transportation over land, over sea, charter flights, which we've spent
a lot of time talking about. It is a top priority for us, and it is something that we will always
lose sight on. I don't have a- I'm not going to get into legal obligations.
Right. Well, exactly. But that's the whole point of the question. Because if there is no
such legal obligation, and I don't frankly think that there is, but if there isn't,
then it would seem to me that you guys would just call for this lawsuit or lawsuits of this type to
be dismissed out of hand. It's completely understandable that you would have some kind
of- that you would feel a moral obligation or some kind of an obligation to help. But
the question is whether it is a legal requirement. To which I don't have an assessment for you on
legal requirements or not. All right. I got- I'm going to just- if you give me a point of
personal privilege, because as Matt mentioned, as many of you talked about at the beginning,
today is my very last press briefing of the Biden administration. We are going to be down
for the holidays, as you know. Matt will be back up here in the new year. But as some of you might
also be tracking, my wife and I are expecting a baby girl sometime next week. And so I will be
out caring- thank you. Thank you. I will be out caring for her for most of the remainder of the
term. So this is my last time up here. It has been an honor and privilege getting to come up here
regularly and take questions and talk to you all with these two flags behind me. I have so much
reverence for this institution and the role that it plays in our foreign policy and our national
security. I want to take a little bit of time to thank people. I will go very fast. I'm sure
I will miss some folks, but you're going to entertain me because I have the space. I want
to first thank my colleagues across the Department of State, especially our Foreign Service Officers
and Civil Service Officers. They are the backbone of this department. Our country is more secure,
in my view, when they have a seat at the table. I want to especially thank the press office and
the spokesperson's team, particularly Heather Fabrikant, Mignon Houston, Nathan Tech, and
Jennifer McEwen, who have been so key to the work that Matt and I do and have been integral to
making sure that we have everything we need to come out and take your questions. I want to thank
the PAOs across all the bureaus that get us ready for these briefings, that answer your questions,
that answer our questions at all hours of the day. There have been so many colleagues across
the department who have had my back and who have been vital to our success here. I want to give a
shout out to the seventh floor leadership, Susie George, Tom Sullivan, Kurt Campbell, Rich Verma,
former seventh floor leadership, Toria Newland, Wendy Sherman, Brian McCune, Derek Cholet, Liz
Allen. They have been incredible partners, and I am so glad to have had the chance to work with
them. I want to thank Ned Price and Matt Miller, the two spokespersons that I've worked with up
here. Getting to work with them and getting to do this job in partnership with them has been,
and getting to learn from them, has been one of the best parts about this job and has made this
job incredibly special. I want to thank Secretary Blinken. He is a brilliant public servant and a
brilliant diplomat, and it's an inspiration to come to work every day, and I will forever be
humbled by his trust and confidence in me to come up here and represent him and represent the
department regularly. I want to thank President Biden, Dr. Biden, Vice President Harris, and Mr.
Emhoff. Getting to serve in their administration from before day one has been a dream come true,
and I think this country is better for the grace, dignity, and decency that they've embodied over
these past four years. Lastly, I would not, or second to last, I would be remiss if I didn't
mention my wife, Sneha, for her patience with me and the kinds of jobs that I have been taking for
probably too many years now. I couldn't do this job and other ones like it without her support
and her encouragement. Lastly, I want to thank all of you. The work that you all do to help inform
American families and help them make decisions about their country and its future and the world
around them is so critically important. An independent, free press is, I think, one of the
important pillars of a well-functioning democracy. I took very seriously the responsibility to come
down here regularly and take your questions. I'm sure you not have always been satisfied with my
answers, and I'm sure I have harassed you about headlines and deadlines and the attributions and
the inclusion of relevant background, but that is how I think it's supposed to work. So working with
you all has been an honor and a privilege, and hopefully you all have made me a better spokesperson
in the process, so thank you. Good luck. Thank you. Thanks, guys.
