LIVE: Blinken and French Foreign Minister Hold Joint Press Conference

Ladies and gentlemen, hello. Soundcheck for the interpreters in particular. Would you like to speak to the... Here, it's the French, to the English. Speak to the English, please. One, two, three, four, five. In a few moments, we're waiting for an information that comes back on this phone. One, two, three, four, five. Ladies and gentlemen, hello. One, two, three, four, five. That's good. Great. That answers quickly. If they didn't touch anything, in theory, everything works. Ladies and gentlemen, hello. One, two, three, four, five. Yes, I know. It was an 8 o'clock. I didn't say anything. One, two, three. One, two, three, four, five. Ladies and gentlemen, hello. So, the speaker is French, but the simultaneous interpretation is in English for our American friends on the other side of the planet. One, two, three, four, five. One, two, three, two, three, two, three. That's good. One, two, three. One, two, three, two, three. I speak softly. I don't speak loudly. There we go. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. So, for now, we are waiting for an info from the United States. We will move on to the other configuration. English speaker this time. Simultaneous interpretation in French. In 80-20. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. Ladies and gentlemen, hello. The speed of the AFP. 1, 2, 3, 2, 3, 2, 3, 3. Ladies and gentlemen, hello. 1, 2, 3, 2, 3, 2, 3, 2, 3. 1, 2, 3, 1, 2, 3, 2, 3, 2, 3. I don't speak very loud. The Stade d'Estoire has cut the final stages at the Roue du Roue, but not at the Stade de France. It interests everyone. 1, 2, 3, 2, 3, 2, 3. Two arms depots in Yemen, targeted by local American troops. 10 years later, Montrouge pays a new tribute to Clarissa Jean-Philippe. Seriously, it's the apocalypse of 2015. The French translation has gone up a bit. So wait, because I don't have a coherent information on this. No, no, no, no. Sorry? OK. Julien? No. No, no, Julien. You can speak a little bit. Only his, Julien. Only his. Is it OK? OK, it's OK. Thank you very much. Thank you. For Ukraine, we are working to bring all the support to the Ukrainians so that they can resist against the Russian embassy. We share a number of simple conditions. No solution can be found to this conflict that concerns Ukraine and the Prime Minister without the Ukrainians. No discussion can be engaged on European security without the Europeans. There is no solution to this Ukrainian crisis that would be unfavourable to the Ukrainians and at the same time unfavourable to the Europeans and to the Americans. This is why, whether on a military level, on a financial level, on a sanctions level, we have, for almost three years now, provided Ukraine with the support it needed to preserve and defend its freedom and territorial integrity, of course, but at the same time to protect and defend the interests of European security. And I would like to say, beyond everything you have accomplished in the Middle East, for Ukraine and in many other theatres, we are discussing together the issue of Sudan, where the worst humanitarian crisis in the world is taking place and on which we are both very mobilised. And when I saw you act, I saw in you an accomplished diplomat who mobilised his humanity to awaken those of his interlocutors and who was able to achieve, throughout these years, a lot of progress for peace and security. So, thank you for this action you have taken. I would like to thank your ambassadress here in Paris, who will also take this action soon. Thank you for everything you have done. I wish you, of course, good luck and tell you, not goodbye, but rather goodbye, because I am convinced that our paths will meet again. Jean-Noël, I would like to tell you, first of all, on a personal and professional level, how much I appreciate your partnership, your friendship and what we have accomplished together. And I am delighted that you will continue to carry the flag in the months to come, something so important for our two countries. You have benefited me and my exceptional colleague, Jean-Noël. Thank you. To the Foreign Minister, to President Macron, I also have to say how grateful I am for the extraordinary partnership the United States and France have enjoyed these past four years that we have been in office. Obviously, a partnership, a fraternity, that goes back many, many, many years. I think it's fitting that my last trip as Secretary of State brings me back to France. We know, both of us, that this is a world that we have to face together that is more complex, more competitive, more contested than at any time in recent memory. But we have a shared determination, our two countries, to advance our shared interests and values and to do it together. We have an enduring belief that this partnership is essential to trying to build a world that's a little bit safer, a little bit more secure, a little bit more prosperous for the people in both of our countries and well beyond. As Jean-Noël said, I think we've seen manifestations of that partnership and what it can produce in Lebanon. Together, France and the United States produce a ceasefire in Lebanon that is holding, it's moving forward, and that is creating the possibility for a much different and much better future for the country, as well as for its relationship with Israel. Together, we put together an oversight mechanism to address concerns about ceasefire violations, and it is working. Challenges remain, but so far, the mechanism is functioning well, and we've seen, as recently as yesterday, a withdrawal of about more than a third of Israeli forces in Lebanon. I think the ceasefire can be a bridge to a durable peace that allows people on both sides of the border, Israel and Lebanon, to return to their homes, to return to their lives, and to move forward in greater peace and security. In Syria, where Jean-Noël just made a very important visit, along with our friend, the German Foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock, we see, as well, genuine hope for the future. After five decades of insubordination that brutalized the Syrian people, now they have an opportunity for a future that's not under the thumb of a dictator, not under the thumb of foreign power, not under the thumb of a terrorist group. A future in which a sovereign Syria respects the rights of all of its people, and the country is not used as a base for terrorism or other bad things that we've seen affect people well beyond its borders. So there, as well, France and the United States are fully united in what we want to see, what we expect, and the work we're doing to help achieve that. On Ukraine, as Jean-Noël said, France has been, from day one, one of the staunchest supporters of a free Ukraine, one that can resist and overcome the ongoing aggression that Russia is posing. Global support for Ukraine, that France and the United States have helped bring about together, is one of the strongest examples I've ever seen of burdenship. And we see that in particular in France's leadership, from training more than 15,000 Ukrainian soldiers to signing a bilateral security agreement with Ukraine earlier this year, to French firms boosting production to strengthen our transatlantic defense industrial base. I think in the months to come, France's leadership will be essential to ensuring that Ukraine has what it needs to be in the strongest possible position to defend its democratic independence, whether that's on the battlefield or at the negotiating table. One of the things the Foreign Minister and I discussed is the fact that Ukraine is maybe the best example of a proposition that security in Europe is intertwined with security all around the world. If you look at what's happening in Ukraine right now, what is allowing the Russian aggression to continue? Support from North Korea, with artillery, with ammunition, and with troops, and everything that China is doing to support Russia's defense industrial base. Machine tools, microelectronics, all flowing in to Russia from China, from Hong Kong, that are allowing Russia to keep manufacturing weapons, munitions, and other things essential towards ongoing aggression. So that's just a demonstration of, increasingly, the indivisibility of security. The fact that actors far away from Ukraine, from Europe, are having a big impact on what is the biggest threat to European security since the end of the Cold War. In response, our two countries have worked to deepen Euro-Atlantic and Atlantic-Pacific convergence, notably on the threat posed by PRC to our shared security and to our shared values. We welcome France's expanded engagement with Indo-Pacific partners and hope it will continue, including by strengthening, for example, freedom of navigation in the region. We've also worked to forge together a common vision for the global autonomy, one that is governed by rules of the road. We've invested in our collective productive capacity. We've stood up against Chinese overcapacity and unfair trade practices. We've diversified our supply chain to reduce reliance on Beijing. In these and so many other ways, this partnership between us is producing results, results that matter, that will make a difference in the lives of our people. And I'm convinced that in the years to come, our countries will continue to work together and to lead together on the world stage, not out of convenience, not out of charity, but because the challenges we face demand our engagement, demand our partnership, demand our cooperation. We'll confront a changing world, as we always have, guided by shared commitment to bring greater freedom, greater opportunity, greater security to the people that we're entrusted to represent. So, for that, the work that we've been able to do together, the work I know our countries will continue to do together, obviously to say thank you, to share my gratitude, and to share my conviction that when our countries are working in common cause, common effect, there really is nothing we can't touch. Thank you. Michael Burndown from the Washington Post. Secretary Blinken, we've been on this trip with you. We first went to South Korea, where the former ally, President Yun, is holed up resisting arrest. We visited Tokyo, where leaders are rather annoyed about the decision on blocking the purchase of U.S. steel. We're here in Paris, where, apologies, but the far right is on the rise. The government is chaotic. And we're going to Italy next, where the prime minister is close friends with Elon Musk. So I wanted to ask, you know, you've talked about your legacy. You've said that you're handing over a set of alliances that's in better shape than when you inherited it. But looking at this pattern, what would you tell the United States people about the challenged relationships that you're facing? A quick question about Greenland. What did you tell Minister Barreau about Trump's interest in taking over European territory? How worried are you about a conflict between the United States and Europe on that front? And lastly, I apologize, Elon Musk, what should U.S. allies make of his eagerness to support far right leaders in Europe and around the world, given his closeness to President-elect Trump and his global business interests? And Minister Barreau, I just wanted to ask, what is France prepared to do to defend Greenland and Denmark if Trump continues to press forward in his attempt to take over Greenlandic territory? Thank you. Michael, thank you for covering the waterfront. Let me take these out of order. Greenland first. I think one of the basic propositions we've brought to our work over the last four years is that we're stronger, we're more effective, we get better results when we're working closely with our allies, not saying and doing things that may alienate us. Having said that, the idea expressed about Greenland is obviously not a good one, but maybe more important, it's obviously one that's not going to happen, so we probably shouldn't waste a lot of time talking about it. On the question of where we are with all of our allies and partners, I'd say two things. First, as you've heard me say many times before, what President Biden entrusted me with doing from day one was to re-engage, re-energize, in some cases re-imagine these alliances and partnerships because he and we are convinced that to do what we need to do to advance the interests of the American people, to actually solve this incredible multiplicity, complexity, interconnectedness of challenges that we face, more than at any time in the 32 years I've been doing it, we're so much better off working with others than going it alone. And I think in ways that we just talked about, we've demonstrated how much more we can get done when we're working closely with our allies and partners. Now, most of the countries that we're working closely with our base is our democratic base. That doesn't mean that we're not working with countries that don't neatly fit our definition of what a democracy is. The challenges that we face demand that we work with any country that is interested in solving the problem, but we're always starting with our base of fellow democracies. And one of the hallmarks of a democracy, and we talked about this when we were in Korea, is that when we have challenges, when we have issues, including internally, what sets us apart is the fact that we engage them. We confront them. We deal with them directly. We deal with them openly. We deal with them transparently. We don't pretend they don't exist. We don't sweep them under the rug. And sometimes that's not particularly pleasant to look at. It can get ugly. It can be painful. But that's exactly what we do. We talked in Korea about the fact that the Koreans are dealing with their own challenge right now, pursuant to their constitution, pursuant to the rule of law, and doing it peacefully. And I fully expect that they will emerge stronger on the other side. That's Japan. Do we have a difference over a particular business deal? Yes, but seen in the context of the fact that we are each other's largest investors, one deal does not a relationship make. And on the contrary, the partnership, the alliance with Japan is stronger than it's ever been, including economically. Here in Europe, I talked about this already, the work that we've done together with our allies and partners in support of Ukraine has been nothing short of historic. And also the best example, as I said, is the burden-sharing that I've ever seen in my 32 years. So I could go down the list. But maybe what's most important is this. As we transition, as we work to hand off to the Trump administration, what I've been animated by these past couple of months is making sure we give them the strongest possible hand to play in dealing with all these challenges. The world doesn't stop because we have a transition. There are so many things happening in real time that I want to make sure the administration that's coming in is fully prepared to engage from day one. And that's exactly what we're doing and what we've been doing is why I'm continuing my work for these next however many days it is right until noon on the 20th of January. And I believe in area after area, we're handing off, in some cases, things we haven't been able to complete but that create real opportunities to move things forward in a better way. In the Middle East, we're very close to a ceasefire and hostage deal. We've talked about this, too, in recent days. I hope that we can get it over the line in the time that we have left. But if we don't, then the plan that President Biden put forward for a ceasefire and hostage deal will be handed over to the incoming administration. And I believe that when we get that deal, and we'll get it, it'll be on the basis of the plan that President Biden put before the world back in May. We've done an incredible amount of work on what follows a hostage-ceasefire deal in terms of the necessary arrangements for Gaza's security, its administration, its reconstruction, the day-after plan. We talked about this with the foreign minister as well. There, too, we're ready to hand that over to the administration so it can work on it and run with it when the opportunity is there. And more broadly, the work, the investment we've made in transformative arrangements for the Middle East, starting with the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel, all of that is ready to go if the opportunity presents itself with a ceasefire in Gaza as well as understandings on a pathway forward for the Palestinians. So there's tremendous opportunity there. Similarly, with Ukraine, everything we've done to make sure that Ukraine could survive, and not only survive, have an opportunity to thrive in the future, is ready to be carried forward. Putin tried to erase Ukraine from the map. He's failed. He's endured, I think, a heavier and heavier strategic setback in everything that he's done in Ukraine. Now we're at a point in the coming year where it may be that the parties choose to negotiate. We want to make sure, and I think we are making sure, that the incoming administration will be able, if it's going to oversee such a negotiation, to make sure it's doing it from a position of strength and that President Trump could get the strongest possible deal. I can go down the list, but the point is this. We're handing over a lot of positive opportunities, initiatives, work, and if the next administration chooses to carry it forward, I think that would be clearly in the interest of the United States. Private citizens in our country can say what they want, what they believe, and everyone else can draw their own conclusions and take their own positions on the matter. So I'm not going to comment beyond saying the key, like any American, is the right to express his views, his opinions. Second point. Friendship between France and the United States has more than two centuries. I mentioned Fayette, I mentioned Didier, who President Macron and President Biden celebrated side by side. I would just like to say that we have survived 50 years of American elections, and then you talk to me about Europe, and I would like to take this opportunity to tell you exactly where you are. More precisely, the place where Tony Blinken and I stand. It is exactly here, in front of this chimney, that 75 years ago, Robert Schuman made a statement in 1 minute and 30 seconds that allowed the creation of the political organization that gave birth to the European Union. At the time, it was the European Community of Coal and Steel. It took place on May 9, 1950, and it was on this date that the Europeans came together to celebrate their victory every year. And so, like Tony, I'm going to answer you with a question. Yes. Do we think that the United States will invade Greenland? The answer is no. But do we think that we are entering a period that sees the return of the law of the strongest? The answer is yes. And this is the reason why, for seven years, under the impetus of the President of the Republic, Europe has strengthened itself in the field of defense, in the field of commerce, in the field of competitiveness, which is very good, but we now have to go much further to affirm what we are, to affirm what we want. And for that, and the President reminded us on Monday morning, we have to go further. Thank you. Hello, Emma Barrier for LCI. My first question is for you two, in French. So this time, what view do you have on Donald Trump's expressionist statements about Greenland and Canada? And Mr. Blinken, you can answer me in French if you want. And my second question is, what is the American guarantee on the continuation of aid to the United States in Ukraine after January 20? Listen, I can only repeat what I said a moment ago. Frankly, it's not worth spending time on these questions because it's not going to happen. So why waste time talking about it? As far as American aid is concerned, what I can tell you is that during the administration of President Biden, he will continue to bring this support to the Ukrainians every day, including in the days to come. And at the same time, we have exceptional support from our partners. For the past two and a few years, we have supported Ukraine, our friends in Europe, and beyond Europe, in Asia, 150 billion dollars. So we see that our partners are doing what is necessary, and I am convinced that they will continue to do what is necessary for Ukraine. Thank you so much, Alexandre, for the conversation. Mr. President, I want to take my chance and follow up on Ukraine again. Mr. Zelensky gave an interview this week. He said that in his view, there can be no meaningful security guarantees for Ukraine if the United States is not compensated. Do you think that Europe alone can do it? And I would say, Foreign Minister, same question, but differently. Given the incoming administration's report, can you say that there is a coalition of European countries that would be willing to provide guarantees to Ukraine, which would be enough for a lasting peace? Or do you just think that willpower is not there? Is America still the key on this? If I may very quickly follow up on concerns across the continent over Russian interference directly in the election processes in Europe, what can Europe do to bear back, if you want, against? And finally, Mr. Secretary, if I may go to you on Georgia. President Macron this week backed the protesters in Tbilisi, and he said the new elections could be a way out of the current political crisis. But I have taken some measures and sanctions. But I want to give you a chance to expand on that. Is there anything that the President and I can do to save Georgia's democracy? Thank you. Happy to start. On Ukraine, as we've been very clear, what we've all been working to do is to make sure that as Ukraine engages this year, 2025, we can engage it from a position of strength, whether that means continuing the fight because Russia refuses to stop, or whether it means entering into a negotiation to get at least to a ceasefire and maybe beyond. And as I mentioned a moment ago, we'll continue to the very last day of this administration to bring that support forward to Ukraine. I know that our partners will continue well beyond. If there's going to be a negotiation, if there's going to be a ceasefire because we've brought it to that point, I think it's going to be critical. And I believe that the incoming administration will want to make sure that they negotiate the best possible deal. And the best possible deal has to be one that builds into it real deterrence against Russia repeating its aggression for six months, a year, two years, you name it. Because here's what we know. Putin has not and will not give up on his imperial ambitions. And if there's a ceasefire, he'll want to try to use the time to rest, to refit, and eventually to reattack. That's why it's absolutely essential that part of this include an effective deterrent against any further aggression by Russia. Now, that can take different forms, including the form of having certain countries release any demarcation or any ceasefire line. And that's something I know that's been discussed and that we talked about today with the foreign minister. The next administration will have to decide if it comes to that and what role, if any, the United States will play. But again, I believe that the incoming administration, if there's going to be a deal, will want the best possible deal, one that doesn't unravel when Russia sees an opening to reattack. And one way or another, as I said, we need to build into it the necessary deterrence so that that doesn't happen. On Georgia, we talked about this as well, and what both France and the United States have seen is democratic backsliding that's deeply concerning. And not just democratic backsliding, but a retreat away from the aspirations of the overwhelming majority of the Georgian people, the aspiration to build a future that is closer and closer to Europe. So having seen that backsliding, having seen a government that's acting in contravention of the clear will of the people that it purports to represent, having seen an election that raised many questions, having seen repressive actions taken by the government about people who are trying to speak freely and openly, we, as well as our partners, have taken action. We sanctioned the leader of the Georgia Green Party, Ghani Shvili, as well as the government. We suspended American assistance to the Georgian government, acting together with almost all of our partners in the OSCE, including France. We invoked the Vienna Mechanism through the OSCE to also make clear that the steps that have been taken, including legislation, that profoundly squeezes the space for freedom of expression and freedom of action by civil society, that has to change. So I think you see a clear unity of purpose when it comes to the United States, France, and many other countries, faced with the very unfortunate actions of the government in Georgia. You asked me about Ukraine first, and from that point of view, I want to remind you of what Mr. Blinken said. If we have been supporting Ukraine since day one, if we have said that we will support Ukraine for as long and intensely as necessary, it is first and foremost, of course, because it concerns the future of international law. Because accepting a capitulation from Ukraine would definitively be consacrating the law of the continent. And as I said, as Tony said, it also concerns the security of the European continent, of the Europeans, and of the French. And from that point of view, we have to get rid of any form of complacency or any form of blindness towards imperialist intentions. I take up the term used by Tony Blinken, Vladimir Putin. Why? Because we have seen since February 2022 that the Russian threat, Vladimir Putin's threat, has mutated. It has shown that Russia and Vladimir Putin could launch a large-scale invasion, as it did in Ukraine. It became internationalized by exporting the content to Asia and by attracting North Korea. And it has become hybridized by taking various forms in all fields of conflictuality and by attacking a number of countries, including member states of the European Union. And so, in the face of this, as Tony Blinken said, our priority is, of course, to support Ukraine and to allow it to enter, when the time comes, the moment when it will join in peace negotiations in a position of force. But it is also, for the future, to ensure that the war will never return to the European continent. Which will call on our part, on the part of the entire European Union, a reinforced effort to raise our defenses and dissuade the push to the West from the threat of Vladimir Putin. Then, on the question of disinformation, very quickly, and interference in electoral processes. Here again, Europe has been very clear. In 2022, under the French President of the European Union, we gave ourselves strict rules for the management of social networks. By adopting the regulation on digital services, and I refer you to these articles 34, 35 and 36, which say very precisely that social network platforms must put everything in place to prevent their platforms from disturbing the public debate. Under penalty of heavy fines, which can go up to 6% of the global turnover. And in the most serious cases, which can go up to the banishment of the European Union. It is now up to the European Commission to apply these new European laws that we have given. And I urge it to do so with a lot of firmness and with a lot of clarity. If it does not do it, then it would be convenient that it can restore to the Member States that they want it, the possibility to do it at their level. Turkey threatens the Kurdish fighters from Syria during the military operation. What can the United States and France do to prevent this and contribute to the stabilization of Syria? And by the way, Mr. Musk, a member of the US administration in less than 15 days, made declarations qualified by a small British and German interior committee. Is this appropriate? Everyone has the right to express their opinions, but of course, when you participate in a government or when you aspire to participate, opinions have a particular value. So, two things. Either the interventions you refer to are operations of communication within the framework of electoral processes or public debates of certain European countries, and it is obviously very regrettable. Either it is an assumed alliance with ultra-right parties that flourish with the neo-Nazi currents as is the case with the AFD, and then it will be necessary for the Republican Party to be able to assume to link its destiny with that of a party that represents everything that the Republican Party has always fought for. Then, on your first question, thank you for asking it, and it allows me to return to one of the issues on which the United States and France have been working together for a long time, and singularly for four years. The resolute and relentless fight against Islamist terrorism, and in particular against Daesh in Syria. I would like to take this opportunity to present before Anthony Blinken my condolences, to the victims of the terrorist attack that struck New Orleans. The Kurds of Syria have been, for the United States and for France, faithful allies, resolute allies in the fight against Islamist terrorism. With the fall of the criminal and barbaric regime of Bashar al-Assad, a new hope was born in Syria. It is a fragile hope, but it is a real hope. The hope of a political, economic, and moral recovery of Syria, which will only be possible if all communities find their place in this political transition. And in this political transition, the Kurds of Syria must find their place. We owe it to them, because they were our companions, our brothers in arms, in the fight against Daesh, but it is also in the interest of the future of Syria to allow the Kurds to fully participate in the future of the country. That is why I want to salute the efforts of Anthony Blinken to facilitate mediation between the Kurds of Syria and the Turks, but also between the Kurds of Syria and the Transition Authority, whose main leader was able to meet with General Massoum a few days ago. We will continue our efforts so that in the northeast of Syria, where, I remind you, several tens of thousands of terrorist fighters are today in prisons guarded by the Kurds of the Syrian northeast, the security guarantees that Turkey legitimately aspires can be guaranteed, but also the security interests of the Kurds and their full and entire right to fully participate in the competition of the future of their country. I have very little to add because I agree entirely with what Jean-Louis just said. I simply say this. For both of our countries, it is essential as Syria is navigating this transition that we keep a lid on the terrorists, the enduring terrorists that are posed by ISIS or by Daesh. And as Jean-Louis said, we've seen possibly a manifestation of that threat with the horrific incident in Louisiana where an individual in question said he was an adherent of Daesh. It shows, unfortunately, the enduring potency of the ideology, but an even more acute danger would be if the more than 10,000 foreign terrorist fighters were being detained under the vigilance of Kurdish friends in Syria were to get out and reconstitute the very potent force that was Daesh in Syria, in Iraq, before it was defeated. And this is an enduring American interest as well as a French interest. And it's enduring as well, I believe, with the incoming administration. When Daesh was trying to build its caliphate, its actual physical caliphate, the territorial caliphate, it controlled a huge chunk of land between Iraq and Syria. And that caliphate was... that territorial caliphate was undone, was defeated. And that was completed under President Trump's watch during his first term with taking back Raqqa. So I believe that the incoming administration, like this administration, will continue to show a very strong interest in not allowing Daesh to rear its ugly head again, to see a resurgence. And as Jean-Noël said, a critical part of that is making sure that we enable the Syrian Democratic Forces to do the job they've been doing in the interest of everyone, of securing the foreign terrorist fighters who are there, as we continue to work to repatriate fighters and to repatriate their families to countries of origin. So we've been working very closely as well with our ally, our partner in Turkey, which has very legitimate concerns, of course, about PKK and about terrorism, to navigate this transition, to navigate it in a way that I think leads to a resolution of many of those concerns, including, over time, with the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces into Syrian National Forces, including with the departure of foreign members of that force to their own countries, including with the resolution of questions around oil, around borders, etc. But that's a process that's going to take some time. And in the meantime, what is profoundly not in the interest of everything positive we see happening in Syria would be a conflict. And we've worked very hard to make sure that that doesn't happen. We'll continue to do that. And I believe that the incoming administration will do the same thing. Thank you.