Tens of millions of Americans are unwittingly investing in Chinese companies involved in military weapon production, surveillance technologies, and egregious human rights abuses, says former Reagan adviser Roger Robinson.
Through a complex web of investment vehicles and regulatory loopholes, Americans are pouring trillions of dollars into companies that directly threaten American national security, including ones blacklisted by the U.S. government—often without even knowing. Chinese companies often make up the bulk of index funds like emerging markets funds that many Americans invest in.
“You have ... companies that are responsible for manufacturing China’s most advanced weapon systems,” Robinson says. “We’re funding, in some ways, our own demise.”
During the Reagan administration, Robinson served as senior director of international economic affairs at the National Security Council, where he played a linchpin role in Reagan’s economic strategy against the Soviet Union. He’s the co-founder of the Prague Security Studies Institute.
Roger, you believe you've discovered what's arguably the largest financial scandal in
the history of the world. That may sound a bit melodramatic, but it's big. What is it that you're
seeing? Well, Jan, it's hard to know exactly where it fits in the pantheon of scandals
You don't, to my knowledge, have an occasion where there's the multi-trillion dollar underwriting
by a democracy of a totalitarian police state bent on its destruction and way of life
that's aided and abetted by, in our case, Wall Street firms, wittingly or unwittingly,
and U.S. government regulators that are sadly conflicted because of the revolving door with
Wall Street. So that would be the way I would describe the circumstance we find ourselves in
now. You just painted a very big picture here with multiple moving parts. Let's lay it out
step by step. You're saying, in a nutshell, that huge amounts of money are coming from
the American people into communist China, day after day, right now, to the tune of trillions
of dollars. Yes, that trillions of dollars, of course, is over time. This has been going on,
Jan, sadly, for at least 25 years. The Chinese have come into our capital markets with as many
as 5,000 companies. The exact number isn't known because the government hasn't volunteered
any data on this, but our best understanding from research is, again, some 5,000 Chinese companies.
Now, the disturbing part, Jan, is that those companies came in without any particular screening,
oversight, due diligence, and in a regulatory regime. They were not looked at carefully to
see, for example, are they already sanctioned by the United States for egregious national security
and human rights violations? The answer to that is no. And so we don't have, as we do in the trade
portfolio, for example, a committee on foreign investment in the United States that's certainly
imperfect, but at least it makes an effort to vet Chinese efforts to buy into the United States,
whether it's American companies, farmland, whatever. There's at least some mechanism
to try to get a handle on that. It's never had its parallel in the U.S. capital markets.
The same is true, sadly, of private equity funds. I can't speak to exactly the process they go
through, but certainly publicly traded companies, these are to be scrutinized.
We have investor protection issues. The Securities and Exchange Commission,
our Department of Treasury, even the White House National Economic Council should be caring about
where the American people's money is going and how it's being used. What kind of companies are
we talking about here? Well, we asked that question over the research of a number of years
now, and the answer is troubling. You have companies that are, for example,
equipping concentration camps, trafficking in slave labor, aiding and abetting genocide in
Xinjiang, building out the surveillance state of the country. And on the national security
side of the equation, you've got companies that are responsible for manufacturing China's most
advanced weapon systems. The last two aircraft carriers come to mind, hypersonic glide vehicles,
new generations of ICBMs targeting American families, new sixth-generation fighter aircraft.
In other words, all of the areas that you'd be concerned about militarily
are in no small part being underwritten and funded by how many? Perhaps 75 to 100 million
of us in the international side of our investment portfolios. Most people have
diversified portfolios. They have some perhaps international exposure. For those of us that do,
I can tell you that the chances of our being in possession in our portfolios of some of these bad
actor Chinese companies is extremely high. It's near a certainty. So think about the fact that
this is not some esoteric issue here. We're not talking about space-based missile defense here,
or something that is more distant from the American people. This is their money,
and they have no clue as to the fact that it's being sluiced into some of the most horrific
abuses in the world today via Chinese state-controlled, they're all state-controlled
entities. The CCP has a lock on every Chinese commercial entity. We must know this by now.
So the idea of a private sector is not happening in China. So the state can call on these companies
to engage in strategic and even military activities, intelligence gathering, for example,
at their whim. As we well know, Article 7 of the National Intelligence Law
spells this out in a number of other pieces of legislation. The Chinese are hiding it. So here
we are. We're not getting the protections we need. We're not getting the transparency
and disclosure we need. And certainly we're not learning that we're funding in some ways
our own demise. In my conversations with experts, lawmakers,
and so forth, it struck me that the very simple concept of reciprocity, whether it's
in terms of how our financial systems treat each other, or for example, access for journalists
would be another example that's more close to my particular interests. That would be a great
benchmark for evening the playing field, which seems to me to be part of what's motivating
the president in his economic approach with reciprocal tariffs, for example, and other things.
I'm curious what you think about that.
Well, I think it's inspired. I mean, reciprocity would go a long way toward not just resolving our
trade problems and the unfairness and our having been taken to the cleaners by so many countries
in the world. The president's correct about that. But what about its application to the money?
Absolutely. I mean, the Chinese can hold shares of our companies. Why can't we own shares of
theirs? We're not able to, until very recently, establish even financial institutions over there.
That's a new phenomena. And it's just beginning. There were no similar prohibitions. I mean,
we could go down a long list in the financial arena where there's a glaring lack of reciprocity.
I mean, the PCAOB case we talked about on audits. I mean, please, how do they get a
waiver from the rest of the world? Why are they deserving of preferential treatment
when they're an existential threat to our way of life, the likes of which we've never known?
So reciprocity, I'm all for the president coming out and saying, hey, this isn't just a trade thing.
This is a financial thing as well. And it would start to unearth
many of the abuses we've talked about today.
And just a quick thought. You seem very certain that President Trump is very clear on the China
threat. And the reason I want to touch on this is I've seen a number of, even analysts, people that
I follow quite a bit asking questions. Hey, has Trump changed his tune on China? For example,
look at this gutting of the USAGM agencies or some of USAID's works. Look, China's going to
come right in there and pick up the slack. This seems like pro-China stuff. I mean,
I've seen all sorts of things. Okay. I'm just wondering what your response is to that.
Well, the president, I would suspect his personal style, as you know, is to try to keep
bad guys on side best he can. But when it comes to the overriding national security interest of the
United States, I think he's going to be four square. That is, he's going to come down hard
on the right side. The Panama Canal is such an example. And he is not hesitating on the tariff
side. And he's also just sanctioned a couple of Chinese companies that are responsible,
publicly traded, that are responsible for keeping Iran a going concern. And of that 40 companies,
every single one of them is somewhere in the investment products of the American people,
all 40. And these are military, energy, infrastructure, surveillance. Not good.
So the president is now finally picking up on the China dimension, because China
is responsible for keeping Iran a going concern. I mean, it's the parent company, for goodness sake.
So I'm encouraged by that kind of thing.
And not to mention, again, the infrastructure development, the military supplies,
taking 87 to 100 percent of their oil. I mean, you've got to have a customer if you're Iran.
And they stepped up just the way they have with Russia. This is insidious. It's designed to keep
our most virulent adversaries a going concern against us. Let's make no mistake about the
Chinese agenda. Yes, they want the cheap oil, which they get on a discounted basis because
Iran is more of a pariah. They love that, of course. It's not to say that there aren't real
commercial underpinnings to this kind of thing. But what they love most is the fact that this ties
us down in knots in the Middle East, or this ties us into knots on the continent of Europe.
I mean, they want that Ukraine thing to continue to go on. They want Russia to prosper to the
extent that it can and be insulated from the sanctions that have been put on it.
So you're going to see what appear to be a mixed bag could well be. And, you know,
calling President Xi a good friend and so forth, sometimes I myself say, you know,
wince a little because he's not a good friend of mankind. But on balance, this looks a lot more
like Reagan country to me. And I was close to the president and worked with him every day. And I was
there three and a half years at the National Security Council. I know something about the
Reagan presidency. And I was senior director for International Economic Affairs. This was
my portfolio under Reagan vis-a-vis the Soviets.