In the wake of World War I, collectivist governments promised to rebuild Europe. But Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek saw a dangerous tradeoff: the more governments intervened, the less freedom people had. This episode of Economic Game Changers presents a defender of classical liberalism whose ideas warned against the tyranny of Nazism and communism. Through Hayek, and his classic book The Road to Serfdom, teens learn about the true casualties of central planning: free markets, liberty, and life itself.
On October 24th, 1929, also known as Black Thursday, the stock market went into freefall.
Panic selling continued for the next few days, and years of risky investing with borrowed money
quickly unraveled. Fortunes were wiped out and banks collapsed. With no money left to borrow
or spend, businesses across the country laid off workers en masse as despair and hopelessness filled
the streets. Intellectual elites like John Maynard Keynes pushed for aggressive government
intervention to restore economic activity. They would get their wish in 1933. In June of that year,
President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed into law the National Industrial Recovery Act,
known as the New Deal. It massively increased government intervention in the economy,
including spending billions of dollars to prop up farmers through subsidies and price controls,
and to create jobs for the millions of unemployed. These jobs included planting trees and building
roads, to painting murals and writing screenplays. Supporters of the New Deal believed artificially
raising prices and wages would increase demand for consumer goods, helping the economy to improve
more rapidly. It was also in line with the prevailing attitude that the government and
selected experts should intervene in the economy. This idea was playing out across the socialist
East, like Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany, and in the liberal West, like the United States.
One Austrian who observed all this with profound alarm was Friedrich Hayek. Today, he's known as
a fierce defender of classical liberalism and free-market economics. But after fighting in
World War I, he adopted progressive-era ideals, believing,
They should put economic planning in the hands of experts. Guided by rational scientific reasoning,
they could prevent war and the destruction that comes with it.
Then, in 1921, Hayek began working under Ludwig von Mises,
initially clashing with Mises' free-market position.
It wasn't until after reading Mises' Socialism, an Economic and Sociological Analysis,
that he eventually came to agree with his teacher.
It's genius. I say genius. Prices aren't arbitrary. They're signals, compressing vast
information on scarcity, production, and consumer preference into a number that anyone can understand
and respond to. And? And any attempt to control them deprives competition of its power to
coordinate individual efforts effectively. My work is done here. Hayek later joined
debates against sophisticated socialists and worked with Mises to counter the socialist
planning in Europe. Then came the clashes with John Maynard Keynes at the London School of Economics
in 1931. Let government do the planning. They're the experts. Zemos certainly are not, Mr. Keynes.
To prove that central planning was only a gateway to much bigger problems,
he started with something called the knowledge problem. Hayek argued that the knowledge needed
to organize a complex economy is dispersed among the decisions of millions of individuals,
rather than concentrated in any single central planner. Think about it. Farmers know their soil
conditions, shop owners know their customers, and customers know what products they prefer.
They are the real experts, not the central planners. Hayek pointed out that only in a free
market can individuals efficiently act on that knowledge. Furthermore, they can quickly shift
resources when that knowledge changes or evolves. A system based on central planning can do no such
thing. But the government experts... Oh, put a cork in his Keynes. Building on the knowledge problem,
Hayek saw that crucial social systems emerge naturally, rather than through any central design.
Institutions such as language, money, markets, and legal traditions developed gradually as
populations experimented and adapted over time. Hayek called this idea... Spontaneous order. It
means you can't design society from a master blueprint. Societies function best when they
allow people to experiment, adapt, and organize themselves spontaneously. He argued that markets
also work best as a discovery process with competition. Some ideas fail while other ideas
succeed, and that process helps markets discover what consumers want and what production methods
work best. What's more, the coordinating power of the free market is a bulwark against another power,
government tyranny. This led Hayek to eventually write his most important work,
The Road to Serfdom, written during World War II and published in 1944. It was his warning to the
West that giving up its economic soul to committees of experts would lead to the loss of all other
freedoms. Personal and economic freedoms had already vanished in Nazi Germany and Soviet
Russia. Hayek argued that it was market competition and limited government that made political freedom
possible, not massive government bureaucracies. Wake up people! Clear, predictable rules enforced
by a limited government are one thing, but central planning requires giving the government
incredible power. Do that and you risk losing the very liberties that made us free and prosperous
in the first place. After the war, many across Europe and America thought the government efforts
that helped countries to ration scarce resources during the war could now be used to fight poverty
or protect incomes during a recession. Hayek, however, only saw... Danger! Danger! Danger!
Wake up people! You need to see what's happening around you! Through the Cold War and into the 21st
century, Hayek lived on through his arguments. Alongside Mises and other Austrians, his work
still warns against socialism while defending the relationship between law, liberty, and free markets.
Next time, we meet another Austrian, a colorful maverick of a man who made a peculiar proposition
about capitalism. Destruction. It is a defining feature of capitalism. Yes, I said it. Destruction.
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