A deadly shipyard fire in Qingdao. Xi Jinping reacts within hours. Videos disappear from Chinese social media. Then a leaked 21st Party Congress lineup names Hu Chunhua as a possible successor. Are these separate stories—or signs of growing pressure inside Xi’s system? We examine the mystery surrounding the Qingdao fire, the political meaning of the leaked succession list, the possible return of the Hu Jintao-Wen Jiabo camp, and the biggest unanswered question of all: who really controls China’s military?
This video analyzes a deadly fire aboard the *Ocean Melody* in Qingdao, suggesting the ship was part of a \"shadow fleet\" transporting Russian military materials. It further examines a leaked personnel list for the 21st Party Congress, which hints at a potential power struggle within the CCP and a shift from Xi Jinping's loyalists toward reformists and technocrats.
Hello, everyone.
Welcome, welcome to Ladies Real Talk.
Happy Thursday.
Well, there's so much going on everywhere around the world,
but I decided to turn our attention
to another major disaster in China,
one that immediately caught my attention
because of how quickly Beijing reacted.
On the morning of September the 10th,
a serious fire broke out abroad.
A cargo ship undergoing repairs
at the Qingdao Beihai Shipyard in Shandong Province.
I'll show you the picture.
Here it is.
The fire started at around 11.15 a.m.
There were 42 people abroad.
I'm sorry, aboard.
What I'm saying, abroad, not overseas.
They're on the ship, they're on board.
12 escaped, five were injured.
And according to the latest report,
25 people were initially identified as missing,
but later confirmed killed.
The fire burned for more than three hours
before it was extinguished at around 2.30 that afternoon.
Today's, I mean, this afternoon.
But what caught my attention was what happened next.
Xi Jinping personally issued
what Chinese state media called an important instruction.
Premier Li Qiang also issued directives.
She ordered authorities to search for the missing,
investigate the cause, hold those responsible accountable,
and conduct broader inspections for fire hazards.
And the announcement came remarkably quickly.
Xinhua published Xi Jinping's instructions
at around 5 p.m., less than six hours after the fire began.
Now, for international media, six hours may not sound fast.
It's not fast at all.
But for China, especially when it comes
to a major accident involving heavy casualties,
this kind of top-level response on the very same afternoon
is not something that we're used to.
It's not usual.
So, because if you look back in the past couple of months,
China has experienced floods, typhoons, fires,
industrial accidents,
and many of them are, or were, deadly disasters.
Yet you don't see Xi Jinping and Li Qiang
responding publicly within hours.
So what's strange is this.
I should say what's even stranger is this.
Xinhua reported Xi Jinping's instruction
at 5 p.m. that day, less than six hours
after the fire started.
Local people in Qingdao were not even aware of the fire
because there was no local information
spreading on social media.
Because social media had been quietly censoring
the information.
Videos of the fire were removed.
People in Qingdao only learn about it,
or learn about it only after Xinhua reported it.
So the question becomes,
why Xi Jinping paid so much attention to a fire
when the propaganda machine tried to keep it a low profile?
The question became even more interesting
when the identity of the ship emerged.
The vessel is called the Ocean Melody.
It's a 20-year-old dry bulk carrier
flying the Liberian flag.
Now, before arriving in Qingdao,
ship tracking records show that it sailed
from Liberia to Taicang, China.
Arriving there on August 26,
it left Taicang on the 28th,
and then arrived in Qingdao on the 31st for repairs.
Although the ship flies a Liberian flag,
its registered owner is Chinese.
It's Huili Shipping Company.
Well, its manager, the ship manager, is also Chinese.
It's called Yu Yang Kunpeng, something like that,
Yu Yang Kunpeng Shanghai Ship Management.
In other words, the ship is foreign flagged,
but the companies behind it appear to be Chinese.
And that has fueled speculation online.
And the one Chinese language account on X claimed that
the Ocean Melody was actually part of a Chinese-controlled
shadow fleet.
It alleged that the vessel was secretly transporting
materials connected to Russian drone production
hidden beneath ordinary mineral cargo.
The source also claims that the cargo involved in this fire,
actually, it's fire and explosion,
was military-related material.
The shipment was handled in a highly improbable way.
Poorly regulated and highly improvised manner
without the kind of safety separation
that would normally be expected
for a dangerous material cargo.
It argues that the ordinary cargo
would normally take much longer
to become fully engulfed in a fire
or fully involved in a fire.
And notes that because the vessel was docked
at the shipyard,
people theoretically had immediate access to shore
and could have escaped.
But based on videos from the scene,
the source claims that it took only about 14 seconds
between the initial fire and the explosion
resulting in high casualty.
So the implication is that the unusually rapid explosion
may indicate that the ship was indeed carrying
something more combustible than ordinary bulk cargo.
It also claimed that Chinese authorities reacted so quickly
because foreign crew members were involved,
which makes the case much harder to suppress.
Beijing fear that the accident could expose
a sensitive military supply chain,
which will give Western governments evidence
to substantiate accusations
that China is supporting Russia.
CCP's internal discussions have already taken place
about offering the families of those killed
unusually large compensation payments
on the condition that they sign confidentiality agreements.
The same source claims that the company behind this fleet
controls nine ships with a combined debt weight tonnage
of about 490,000 DWT.
And its registered address is set to be 3680 Zhangyang Road
in Pudong, Shanghai.
And according to the allegation,
there are more than 200 shipping companies
clustered in that area in Pudong.
In some cases, three or four companies
share the same office address,
suggesting that some may be
little more than shell companies.
These companies collectively control
more than 6,500 vessels of various sizes,
many of them flying foreign flags
and allegedly being used for covert transport operations.
The source said that an operation of this scale
could not exist in China without approval
from the highest levels in Beijing.
Okay, now I wanna be very clear here.
The above claims came from social media
and haven't been independently verified.
But the speculation is gaining a lot of attention
partly because there is an unusual combination
of circumstances here.
You have a Liberian flagged ship,
Chinese ownership and management connections,
a deadly fire inside one of China's
major state-owned shipyards,
and an unusually rapid response
from China's top leadership,
while videos of the fire and local information are censored.
That makes the ship itself worth investigating.
There's also another important piece of context.
Now, Qingdao Beihai Shipbuilding
is not some small private repair yard.
It belongs to China State Shipbuilding Corporation
or CSSC, China's giant state-owned
shipbuilding conglomerate,
and one of the world's largest shipbuilders.
The Qingdao facility does repairs,
works on offshore engineering projects
and produces specialized marine equipment.
So this wasn't simply a fire aboard some cargo ship
sitting at an ordinary commercial dock.
It happened inside an important
state-owned shipbuilding facility.
And this brings us back to the political question.
Because people have noticed that,
if you follow China news,
you've noticed that there are two recent disasters.
First was the Himalayan disaster in Tibet and Nepal,
and now this fire in Qingdao.
In both cases, Xi Jinping's personal instructions
were prominently announced by state media.
And in both cases,
the incidents had an international dimension
because there were foreign nationals involved.
So when a disaster can no longer remain purely domestic,
when foreign governments, foreign companies,
foreign ship registries,
or foreign nationals may be involved,
does Beijing suddenly have become more concerned
because they have,
or it has much less room to control the story?
If so, then the most interesting part of this fire
may not be how it started.
It may be why Beijing reacted to it so swiftly.
So keep that in mind.
It happened today.
We'll find out more information.
Now let's talk about CCP politics.
With the Fifth Plenum approaching,
and then ultimately the 21st Party Congress approaching,
the succession battle at the top of the party
appears to be getting more and more intense.
Recently, another supposed personnel list
for the 21st Party Congress began circulating online.
And the biggest surprise is right at the top.
The man on the thumbnail, Hu Chunhua,
is listed as the next Party Secretary General.
Now, we've already seen several different versions
of these so-called 21st Party Congress lineups
leaked from Beijing in the past couple of months.
And each one seems to reflect the interests
of a different political faction.
The latest one clearly leans towards
what they call the Communist Youth League faction,
or Hu Jintao-Wen Jiabao camp,
or what some people loosely call
the reformist win of the party.
So let me make one thing clear from the beginning.
I don't think we should treat the list
as a finalized personnel list.
It should be better understood as a proposal
or a political wish list,
or even an opening bid from one faction
in an ongoing power struggle.
And that's exactly why it's interesting,
because even if the list itself never becomes reality,
it tells us how one faction may be thinking
about the post-Xi Jinping political order.
So let me tell you who's on the list.
So according to the version circulating online,
Hu Chunhua would become the next Party Secretary General,
and possibly the President of China,
or the Party Secretary to succeed in Xi Jinping.
And then, let me move on to the next one.
Current Premier Li Qiang will become Chairman
of the National People's Congress.
And then this man, Chen Gang,
the current Party Secretary of Guangxi,
will become the next Premier.
Now, another version names Yuan Jiajun,
the current Party Secretary of Chongqing,
as a possible alternative.
All right, and let me move on.
Shi Taifeng, the current Minister of Organization Department
will become Chairman
of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference,
the CPPCC.
And then, moving right along,
Chen Xiaojiang, who was promoted
to be the Party Secretary of Xinjiang last year.
He's in that position right now.
He would become the first Secretary
of the Central Secretariat.
And then, Vice Premier Zhang Guoqing
will become Head of the Central Commission
for Discipline Inspection.
And the Minister of United Front Work,
Li Ganjie, will become Vice President of China.
Now, the first thing you notice is very obvious.
There are two men missing from this list.
Who are they?
Well, these two.
There's no Cai Qi and there's no Ding Xuexiang.
And in fact, most of Xi Jinping's
closest political allies are gone.
The only major Xi Jinping-era figure
who survives is Li Qiang.
So to me, this does not look like
a genuine compromise lineup.
It looks much more like a scenario
in which the reformist camp has won decisively
and is designing the next leadership on its own terms.
But the list depends on two huge assumptions.
For this arrangement to have any chance of happening,
two things would already have to be true.
Otherwise, it would not happen,
not even for negotiation.
The first arrangement is that Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao,
these two dynamic duo,
all the political forces associated with them
would have to be playing a major role
behind the scenes already,
or it would not happen.
And then second, and much more importantly,
Xi Jinping will have to have lost the leadership
effective control of the military.
Without those two conditions,
this lineup simply will not happen.
There's no chance for this list
to even be slightly realistic.
Now remember, three people on the list,
Hu Chunhua, Chen Gang, and Chen Xiaojiang
are not even Politburo members right now.
For all three to move into such senior positions
within roughly a year
will require an extraordinary reshuffling of power.
If Xi Jinping still fully controlled
both the party apparatus and the military,
it is almost impossible to imagine him
approving this arrangement.
So the list itself is built
around a very important assumption.
Xi Jinping may still hold his titles,
but he no longer has the power
to determine the next leadership lineup.
Okay, so with that said,
let's go over the list one by one
so you understand the stories behind them.
Okay, let's just start with Hu Chunhua.
Now putting Hu Chunhua at the center
reflects a particular argument about political legitimacy.
Hu Chunhua was one of the leaders promoted
during the Hu Jintao era.
He was widely viewed as one of the,
or as the successor groomed by Hu Jintao
under the old system of generational succession.
And in terms of preparation,
Hu Chunhua is probably the only,
I would say the CCP senior leader
who has the most extensive central government
and provincial leadership experience.
So he has been utterly prepared for his next job.
So if you believe that the military
has moved away from Xi Jinping
or Xi Jinping has lost control of the military,
and that Hu Jintao's political network is,
again, influential,
then Hu Chunhua becomes the obvious candidate.
That's just a natural event to follow.
Now there's a deeper political argument behind this.
Xi Jinping broke the old succession rules
when he stayed for a third term
and dismantled the leadership arrangements
that had developed over the previous decades.
And then, of course,
there was that extraordinary scene
at the 20th Party Congress
when Hu Jintao was escorted out of the closing session
after discovering that his mentee,
the junior Hu, Hu Chunhua,
was kicked out of the Politburo.
So those in the reformist faction
see Xi Jinping's third term as completely illegitimate.
His rule is illegitimate.
So under this narrative,
putting Hu Chunhua in charge of the,
or putting him in charge at the next Party Congress
would not simply be another leadership transition.
It will be presented as a restoration of the old rules,
a political correction.
In other words,
Xi Jinping disrupted the succession system.
Now the party puts it back on track.
And that's the political meaning of Hu Chunhua's name
appearing at the top of the list.
All right, let's move on.
Then why does Li Qiang survive?
Because everybody knows Li Qiang is someone that Xi Jinping
or someone who follows Xi Jinping closely.
And this is one of the more interesting parts.
If this really is a lineup
designed to dismantle Xi Jinping's faction,
then why keep Li Qiang in the next leadership lineup?
There may be two reasons.
First, there have to be,
well, first of all,
it has to do with Li Qiang's personality
because he is someone who is considered
politically flexible,
and he has an easygoing personality.
And he's not known as an independent power center.
He's not overly ambitious.
And then secondly,
there have been rumors that Li Qiang had reservations
about the handling of the Zhang Youxia affair
and preferred dealing with the general
through normal party protocol or procedures.
In other words, Li Qiang kept his distance
with the way Xi Jinping dealt with Zhang Youxia.
And as a result,
Li Qiang could be someone inside Xi Jinping's inner circle
who is still considered acceptable by the other factions.
So those two reasons,
one is his distance from the Zhang Youxia case,
and also his flexibility, his easygoing personality
all made him more acceptable.
So moving him to the National People's Congress
gives him a prestigious title
without leaving him in control of the government
or the party.
So keeping Li Qiang may serve as a buffer,
which tells the Xi camp,
you're not being completely wiped out.
But at the same time,
Li Qiang would no longer control
a major center of executive power.
So in that sense,
he becomes or he will become a transitional figure.
Okay, now let's talk about this guy
that you're not familiar with,
because I have not mentioned him
and you have not heard his name.
His name is Chen Gang.
So who is he and why is he chosen as premier?
Yeah, so for many people,
he appears to be the biggest surprise on the list
because his name is unfamiliar.
He is currently the party secretary of Guangxi
and he belongs to the generation of officials
born after 1965.
So he's a few years younger than Hu Chunhua.
His career is interesting
because he has worked across a wide range of regions
and institutions.
He spent many years in Beijing,
then served in Guizhou, Hebei, Xiongan, Qinghai,
and now Guangxi.
So in the CCP personnel system,
that kind of resume often suggests
deliberate long-term grooming.
Like Hu Chunhua, Chen Gang also attended
the prestigious Beijing University.
You can say that he is a younger version of Hu Chunhua,
but unlike Hu Chunhua or some other officials,
he does not carry an especially obvious factional label.
One interpretation is that he was already being cultivated
in the later Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao years
as part of a younger leadership reserve
and that the central organization system
continued to move him through different positions afterward.
If the CCP were to return to a model
that places more emphasis on technocrats
and collective leadership,
Chen Gang could be exactly the kind of person
that they choose.
And therefore, we need to keep an eye on him.
He's someone to watch.
Now, there are also online claims
that Xi Jinping's camp once considered
moving against Chen Gang
because he represented a political asset
left over from Xi Jinping's predecessor,
aka Hu Jintao.
That claim is unverified, but at the very least,
it shows that there's a lot more political interest
surrounding this guy
than his current political profile might suggest.
So he's definitely someone that we need to keep watching.
All right, now the next is Cheng Xiaojiang.
He is another important name.
Oh, wait a minute.
Do I miss the Cheng Xiaojiang slide?
Where's the Cheng Xiaojiang?
Oh, here's the Cheng Xiaojiang.
Okay, now let's talk about Cheng Xiaojiang.
Cheng Xiaojiang, he is currently
the party secretary of Xinjiang.
He will take the position of the first secretary
of the central secretariat.
That's a very important job.
The position is essentially the top coordinator
of the party's day-to-day machinery,
responsible for helping carry out decisions
made by the Politburo.
Cheng came through the water resources system.
Now that matters because Hu Jintao
also came, also rise through that system.
Hu Jintao, as you know, is a trained hydraulic engineer.
His specialty is hydropower systems, the dam,
anyway, a number of people associated
with his political network all came
from the water resources system of China.
So in this particular political narrative,
Cheng Xiaojiang is viewed as someone connected,
or very closely connected to the Hu Jintao,
the reformist faction.
He later moved into the United Front system
and then was suddenly sent into Xinjiang last year
to replace Xi Jinping's buddy, Ma Xinrui,
who is now in big trouble.
He's now investigated.
Actually, no, he's already kicked out of the party.
Yeah, he's a disgraced official.
Now, Ma is reportedly a relative of Xi Jinping's wife.
So Cheng Xiaojiang is the man who replaced Ma Xinrui,
someone who's extremely close to Xi Jinping's inner circle.
But here's the remarkable part.
Cheng is not even a Politburo member yet.
So if he were suddenly elevated
to first secretary of the secretariat next year,
that would be a dramatic promotion.
Again, this tells us that people behind this list
are not orchestrating small adjustments.
They're planning a major restructuring of power.
Now let's talk about Zhang Guoqing, the vice premier.
He is a different kind of figure.
He comes out of China's defense industrial system
and is usually viewed as a classic technocrat.
He has experience in military industry,
provincial administration, and now emergency management.
Yeah, he's put in charge of emergency management.
So he was in Tibet after the mudslide happened.
Now, compare him with many highly
factional political figures,
he carries less obvious political baggage.
And this list gives him one of the most sensitive jobs
in the entire party.
Secretary of the Central Commission
for Discipline Inspection.
That matters because the CCDI is the party's political knife.
Whoever controls the discipline system has enormous power
over investigations, purges, and political discipline.
So if he were placed there,
the implication would be that he is seen
as someone acceptable to several competing groups,
someone trusted enough to hold the knife
without immediately terrifying everyone else.
I think he was put in that position,
that extremely sensitive position,
precisely because of his strong technocrat background
or technical skills.
He's not overly political.
So he's considered a professional.
So maybe people see him as less threatening,
holding the knife.
All right, let's talk about Shi Taifeng.
Where did he go?
There he is.
He will be the oldest one.
He is the oldest one on the list.
But he makes sense in this scenario.
He has long been viewed as politically close to Hu Jintao.
Yeah, he's very loyal to Hu Jintao.
That's why he was put in charge of personnel's system
more than a year ago
when he suddenly swapped position with Li Ganjie,
the head of the United Front system.
So he's 70 years old now.
If he stay on for another term,
that will make him, what, 71 next year,
and then he will be 76.
He will work until he's 76.
So he had helped manage
a transitional personnel reshuffling
because the CCP leadership is going through
so many personnel reshuffle right now.
I didn't cover those because it may be boring to you
because there's so many names.
People have mapped out who is tied to who
at the provincial level.
And right now you are seeing so many of Xi Jinping's people
or people who are closely tied
to Xi Jinping's inner circles
being replaced by technocrats
or people who are more aligned with the reformists.
And all of that is handled by Shi Taifeng.
So next year, moving him to CPPCC would actually make sense
because CPPCC is a semi-retirement organization.
That's where people go there to enjoy retirement
while holding a government position.
He could help stabilize the new leadership
and then move into a more ceremonial position.
Under this interpretation,
his role would be less about ruling the country afterward,
but more about helping complete the transition.
So keeping him in a ceremonial position serves that purpose.
Now, the most interesting guy on this list,
the one that surprised everyone the most is Li Ganjie,
this man, who swapped a job with Shi Taifeng.
He was chosen to be the head of personnel,
but then he was put in to be in charge
of the United Front work.
Now, he's generally seen as a close ally of Xi Jinping
because he has links to Chen Xi.
Remember the former Party Central School's president
who has disappeared and who is widely rumored
to be under investigation because of his role
in the attack against Zhang Youxia
because Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli
were attacked at the Party Central School
where Chen Xi presided.
So Li Ganjie was a close ally of Chen Xi,
who was the formal personnel chief
for Xi Jinping for over a decade.
So the question becomes,
why would the reformists keep him?
The answer may be the position itself.
Vice president is just a symbolic position
without much power.
So putting Li there could be a form
of political reassurance.
You leave one recognizable figure from the Xi era
inside the new structure.
You tell the party that this is not a total purge,
but you do not give that person enough power
to challenge the new leadership.
He becomes a symbol rather than a real power center.
That's people's interpretation.
The more surprising disappearance is this man,
the one on the right, Ding Xuexiang,
because he is the only member
of the current Politburo Standing Committee
born in the 1960s and widely perceived
as the most likely successor for Xi Jinping.
Under normal age calculations,
he would seem well-positioned
to remain on the Standing Committee
for another five years.
But in this list, he's simply gone.
That tells us of a scenario
in which Xi Jinping's entire political faction loses.
Cai Qi goes, Ding Xuexiang goes,
Xi Jinping himself leaves,
Li Qiang survives only as a transitional figure,
and Li Ganjie stays in a largely symbolic role.
And that is really the scenario.
It's, I mean, if you really step back and look at,
if that ever become the scenario,
then it's not a compromise, right?
It's a post-Xi Jinping settlement written by the winners.
But there's a question unanswered by this list.
The biggest question is the name
that's missing from this list.
After you go through the entire list,
and the most important thing may not be who's on it.
It's what the list refuses to tell us.
Who becomes the chairman
of the Central Military Commission?
There is no answer.
And that may be the single most important clue
in the entire document,
because the military chairmanship
is likely to be the most sensitive
and most difficult part
of any succession negotiation or deal.
There's historical precedent for a top leader
giving up the party leadership,
but holding on to the military chairmanship
for a period of time.
Jiang Zemin did it for two years.
Deng Xiaoping did it.
So in theory, Xi Jinping could leave the central,
what do you call it?
The general party secretary position,
and still remain chairman of the CMC.
We don't know if that's the case.
This document doesn't say.
But Xi Jinping's situation is different.
His third term is already deeply controversial
among his political opponents,
and he doesn't appear to be controlling the military.
So if the anti-Xi camp really has the upper hand,
one of the last things it would want
is for Xi Jinping to step down as party leader
while keeping control,
or while keeping the chairmanship of the CMC.
But on the other hand, from Xi Jinping's perspective,
giving up both the party and the military at the same time
would leave him and his allies extremely exposed.
And that's why I believe the military
is the hardest part of this entire succession struggle.
No matter who gets the military,
everyone else becomes nervous.
So suppose Hu Chunhua becomes the party secretary,
and then gains the CMC membership,
I mean, the CMC chairmanship as well.
He will then control the party, the state, and the military.
At that point, it will not only be Xi Jinping's faction
that would feel threatened.
The older leftist networks
associated with people like Jiang Zemin, Zeng Qinghong
could also become extremely uneasy.
Why?
Because any new leader who truly consolidates power
will eventually have to establish authority.
And the way to do that, or the easiest way to do that
is to address China's, the accumulated,
how do you say, decades of unresolved political issues.
For example, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre,
the persecution of Falun Gong,
questions surrounding Li Keqiang's death,
the responsibility for a COVID pandemic,
and then the whereabouts,
the life and death issues of the two generals,
and the responsibility for the current economic crisis.
So if a new leadership seriously began reopening
old political accounts,
the consequences could extend far beyond Xi Jinping
and his people.
A lot of people would have reason to worry.
So every faction wants political change,
but no faction wants another faction
to become too powerful,
and that's the fundamental problem.
So again, how seriously should we take this list?
I think the biggest mistake
would be to get trapped in the names.
This is not necessarily the final lineup.
It's a political signal.
It represents one faction's idea
of what the next leadership could look like.
And the underlying logic is actually very clear.
Hu Chunhua returns as the central succession figure.
The reformist camp regains major influence.
Xi's faction is largely pushed out.
Technocrats rise again.
A few figures from other camps
are retained as political buffers.
And the most important issue of all,
the military, is still left unresolved.
That is what makes this list worth looking at.
Of course, the CCP leadership lineups
can change right up until the very last moment.
Personnel decisions at this level
are the product of constant bargaining,
factional pressure, compromise, and power struggles.
So I suspect it's not just outsiders like us
who do not know what the final 21st Party Congress lineup
will look like.
Xi Jinping may not know either.
Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, they may not be certain as well.
And the conservative camp, the leftists,
they may not know either.
And the military itself
may not yet have fully settled on an outcome.
So everyone may still be waiting.
And the fight over CCP's top position,
and especially over control of the military,
is far from over.
So, oh, my earring fell.
That's a sign that we should wrap up soon.
So if you really think about it, oh, my earring,
the question is not about who goes up and who goes down.
The real question boils down
to where does the military ultimately stand?
That is the question we need to keep watching.
All right, that's everything.
That's CCP politics in a nutshell.
45 minutes.
Well, actually, I spent, what, 15 minutes on the fire,
and then, what, 30 minutes
on this potential leadership lineup.
All right, let's just get rid of these pictures.
Let me see, what do people say?
Oh, people are busy tonight, okay.
I have a note from, not Mike Stewart,
Lei, before the show starts and the chat gets busy,
thank you again for talking about my Canada.
It really means a lot.
Well, thank you.
I have so many Canadian friends.
I was just talking to a few of them
in the past couple of days.
They are genuinely concerned
about the direction of their country.
Yeah, serious concern, and they see it, they feel it.
Like in Ontario, you cannot afford to own a Lexus
because if you drive your Lexus to a Chinese restaurant
or a popular Chinese restaurant,
the chances for your car to be stolen is extremely high.
I have a friend who has a landlady
whose Lexus has been stolen three times,
or it's her third Lexus being stolen.
That's how crazy it is,
and this is Ontario, outside Toronto.
Yeah, it's just unbelievable.
Security is a concern.
All right, let's see, what do people say?
Oh, Chris is our, hi, Chris.
Chris is our moderator tonight.
Thank you.
Melissa, hype, like, and share.
Let's get laid to a million subscribers.
I like that.
I don't know what happened to YouTube algorithm.
I had really great upward momentum last year,
and then somewhere towards the end of the year,
it suddenly stopped.
Then I don't see any growth.
I don't know what happened.
Some people have been saying that the CCP has used AI
to build their online infrastructure
to manipulate social media platforms algorithm,
targeting certain content producers like myself.
That's what people have been saying.
I don't have time to look into that,
but I'm not surprised if that's the case.
I hope YouTube do some investigation
and come up with a solution.
Okay, all right, great.
Thank you.
Not Mike Stewart.
Someone let Mao Xinyu play with that flare gun again.
All right, I really enjoy your sense of humor.
Maybe we should show a picture of Mao Xinyu one day
so that people know what Mike is saying,
what he's talking about.
Okay, here's a question forwarded by Chris.
I'm from India.
Where do you see Indochina relations heading on to?
Has China mellowed down against anti-India stance
after Guowen?
Xi Jinping is heading to India, right?
He's leaving, what, on the 12th?
That's in two days.
He's taking the largest delegation ever,
what, 400 people strong?
Last time he went to India,
he took only 200 officials with him.
But India, in their preparation to welcome Xi Jinping,
gave Xi Jinping a big slap in the face.
I think India just announced a launching investigation
into Xiaomi, the Chinese mobile phone maker,
over, I don't know, I think money laundering
or some financial irregularities
that the company has displayed in India.
But anyway, Xiaomi is being investigated in India
right before Xi Jinping, his arrival.
So where do I see China's relations
with India heading into?
China's foreign policy has been a little bit
all over the places right now
as a result of this political struggle.
So you don't know who is directing which policy.
Sometimes you feel like you see Xi Jinping's fingerprints
all over certain policies,
but sometimes you doubt if he's really behind it.
It's really hard to say.
I would rather wait until the fifth plenum to say that.
We'll see, we'll see what happens at the BRICS summit, yeah.
All right, PLA tank barrels made of pot metal.
Yeah, exploded in Bangladesh, right?
There was a military exercise
when Chinese-made tank exploded
and killed a soldier and injured a couple of them.
It's embarrassing, yeah.
Why would they want to make made-in-China weapons?
I wonder why.
I think people should learn a lesson.
Okay, all right, let's see.
Lei, good morning, watching here from the Philippines.
All right.
Yeah, everyone loves your defense minister
for his performance.
Actually, I saw another clip surfacing on social media.
People asked him to comment on the remarks
that the Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson made
about him being a good actor.
And then he fought right back.
He said Wang Yi will be a better actor.
Anyways, I think we should see more politicians
speaking up like him.
Anyway, not Mike Stewart.
Why would it be Major General Mao Xinyu's time to shine?
When will it be?
He could head the CMC, no problem.
Actually, the CCP is remodeling
or repairing his grandfather's mausoleum.
They closed Mao's mausoleum for repair
or for remodeling for a couple of months.
And people thought that it may not be purely
for construction purpose.
People believe that it might be closed
due to political reasons.
So it should be interesting to see
when that structure will be reopened,
if it will be reopened, yeah.
Oh, yeah, yesterday was what the,
I don't know, the anniversary,
because Mao died on September the 9th.
That was yesterday.
Assorted subscriptions.
Thanks for the important news
and commentary coverage as always.
Well, thank you very much.
Thank you.
I appreciate that.
Oh, not Mike again.
Danny Jones, get on another podcast or several.
The people need your information later.
I was on Danny Jones and some of the clips went viral.
Did you see that?
My talk on Chinese population went viral.
Yeah, I would love to.
Tell Danny to invite me.
We really had so much fun talking.
You know, at first I was a little concerned.
Three hours, I was a little concerned, seriously.
And then at the end of that conversation,
I could go on for another hour.
We really enjoyed our conversation, our talk.
So yeah, it'll be good to be invited back
or onto some other shows.
Lei can talk.
All right.
If there's anything Lei can do, talking.
All right, Carney is China's fleshlight.
What's fleshlight?
Fleshlight.
Everything out of China is garbage.
All right, I'm just reading comments.
Australia is watching.
Canada is going to have lots of electric battery fires
from Chinese cars, I'm afraid.
I hope Canadians are not hurt.
I hope no Canadians will get hurt
from these poorly made Chinese EVs.
Someone said, Lei, don't be scared of Florida humidity.
It wasn't bad.
Yeah, I went in spring.
It wasn't bad.
I guess if I went during the summer months,
it would be bad.
All right.
It's amusing to hear Lei talk about herself
in the third person.
Christy Bauer.
Really?
Okay.
All right.
I don't know.
I think I'm one of a kind.
Anyway.
All right, here's a question.
Blame the current Canadian crisis
on the uncontrolled immigration.
Certain groups carried their own unpalatable baggage.
I'm not racist, but that's a sad fact.
Watching from Vancouver.
Unfortunately, that's what many of my Canadian friends
have been telling me.
Yeah.
I think people really need to understand.
People really need to understand.
People should not use that word racist
as if it doesn't carry weight, you know?
Because when you use that against almost everyone,
then that word becomes meaningless
and people don't really care, right?
If you're accusing everyone a racist,
then who's not?
Then that word, the whole point becomes irrelevant.
So I'm afraid that's the direction we're going.
All right.
17% of US imports are from Mexico.
Mexico is the leader.
It's politicized here, Lei.
You know that.
It's politicized, yeah.
But see, people told me that the communists,
the reason their ideology will fail
is because they go extreme.
So those individuals who tend to lean on the left side,
or if they go too far on the left,
they would end up becoming a little extreme in their views,
like accusing everyone a racist.
But then when they do that,
they're gonna lose credibility
because they're defeating themselves.
The CCP's biggest ability,
other than mind-controlling the populace,
is defeating itself.
Xi Jinping is doing precisely that.
Xi Jinping is taking the CCP down from within.
So it's by design.
So I think those politicians on the left
need to be careful with what they say
because eventually they could bring themselves down
without knowing it.
All right, that's all for tonight.
I thank you for joining,
and I'll see you over the weekend.
Okay, bye.