Trump, Iran, and China: Why This War Keeps Going

Hello, everyone. Welcome. Welcome to Today's Real Talk. In another week, the world is a different place. I'm going to join the crowd and talk about the hottest geopolitical topic right now, the Iran War. The U.S. hit Iran hard, but Iran didn't collapse. This is no longer a regional conflict. It's turning into a global strategic standoff. The Strait of Hormuz has become the central pressure point. Negotiations do exist, but they are fragmented and fragile. And the biggest risk is no longer escalation, but a frozen conflict that drags on with global consequences. As the ceasefire becomes increasingly uncertain, Iran has just sent its foreign minister to visit Iran, Pakistan, and Oman. And then today, the UAE just announced that it will withdraw from OPEC and OPEC Plus as of May 1st. That's what, two days from today? At the same time, China's role in this war is becoming harder and harder to ignore. So let's talk about China, Iran, and Trump, and why this war drags on. Stay with me. I have some very interesting information to share with you from one of China's insiders. I didn't make a sensational thumbnail. I could have, but I decided not to do that. But you'll find it interesting. Anyways, while looking back, the U.S. did achieve a significant military victory in the initial phase of the campaign, but that victory was not decisive. While the U.S. inflicted extremely heavy damage on Iran's military capabilities or nuclear capabilities, it did not reach the level required to force the regime into surrender. And that brings us to the real question. Why hasn't Iran collapsed? The answer is Iran is not fighting alone. The Chinese Communist regime, the core of the so-called modern axis, has acted as a quiet but consistent backer of Iran. And this may be the fundamental reason why Iran has been able to sustain resistance under such intense pressure. Iran's vast underground tunnel networks were built and operated with guidance from Chinese military experts. China's Beidou satellite system has been used to support the navigation and targeting of Iranian missiles and drones. And even after U.S.-Israeli strikes began, China continued supplying key missile and drone components to Iran. And then something even more revealing happened. Days ago, President Trump publicly stated that he had been misled by Xi Jinping because he had written directly to Xi urging him not to provide military assistance to Iran. But soon after, the United States forces intercepted a forced intercepted vessel carrying key missile components from China to Iran. So at this point, I want to introduce you Professor Yuan Hongbin. I mean, he's not here. Actually, some of you wanted me to interview Professor Yuan Hongbin, and I'd love to, but I was told that he is not very technically savvy. So interviewing him, you need to kind of help him set up a camera and all of that. So it's a little bit technically challenging. But anyways, he gave very insightful interviews recently, and I'm just kind of quoting him in this talk. So he recently offered his analysis on the current situation in Iran, as well as some suggestions to the West. As usual, he also dropped some bombshells on Beijing's games. So let me go through them with you. So according to Professor Yuan's sources, after the conflict began, China's Western Theater Command transferred large quantities of shoulder-fired air defense missiles to Iran via rail. There are also claims that China has taken advantage of internal tensions within Iran, particularly between its administrative system and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, to channel funding directly to the latter. And because of this level of support, Iran has been able to withstand sustained military pressure for over a month without collapsing. Not only has it avoided surrender, it has maintained operational capability. So Yuan's source believes this reflects a broader strategic objective, that China's goal is to draw the U.S. into a prolonged and costly engagement, essentially turning Iran into another Afghanistan. And if that's the case, then this is no longer just a regional conflict. It's going to be a global conflict, a global crisis. And if you step back, that seems to be the trajectory that we've been witnessing. And that brings us to a critical question. Can the original objectives of the U.S. and Israel actually be achieved? The U.S. is attempting to do this through a comprehensive maritime blockade and economic sanctions, targeting Iranian ports and applying global pressure to deepen Iran's economic crisis. The idea is simple, force Iran into concessions through sustained pressure. The question is, will it work? Well, according to Professor Yuan, the answer is very unlikely. And the reason is straightforward, because what the U.S. is facing is not just Iran. What the U.S. is facing is an entire system behind the regime in Tehran. And Professor Yuan cites insider sources to argue that China has been treating Iran as an all-weather strategic partner for years. Publicly, China presents itself as a neutral actor calling for peace and stability, but behind the scenes, a much deeper relationship has developed, one that spans politics, economics, technology, and especially the military domain. So according to these accounts, Chinese influence within Iran's governing system goes far deeper than most people realize. At the start of the conflict, U.S.-Israeli strikes reportedly eliminated a large portion of Iran's top leadership, over 40 senior officials. And yet, Iran's political system did not collapse. Its military command structure continued to function. Its social control system remained intact. So the question becomes, where did that continuity come from? And this is where Yuan's bombshell comes in. So according to his sources, China had already helped establish what can only be described as a shadow cabinet inside Iran, a parallel structure capable of sustaining governance even under extreme disruption. At the same time, Chinese influence is said to have penetrated deeply into the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and not just at the top, but across mid-lower level ranks, through both ideological alignment and financial incentives. After the war began, as Iran's economy deteriorated sharply, there are further claims that counterfeit U.S. currency produced in North Korea was transported into Iran via China-Iran rail links. And these fake U.S. bills are used to pay IRGC personnel. So taken together, these claims point to something much more comprehensive than conventional state-to-state support. They suggest a level of coordination that operates across multiple layers—military, economic, and political. And that brings us back to the core argument. And this is not just a local war. This is a systemic confrontation. Now, there's another layer to the story, which is very important. I'm not surprised, but I think it might have been overlooked by the U.S. authorities. According to Yuan, China's state security system established a covert research unit nearly a decade ago. This unit brought together personnel from military intelligence, public security, foreign affairs agencies, and the CCP's international liaison department, and the MSS. It's spearheaded by the MSS. So all these units—military intelligence, public security, foreign affairs, and international liaison department—along with psychologists. Its mission? To study the psychology of the U.S. president. This effort intensified significantly after the emergence of Trump 2.0. Because the underlying assumption is this. If you want to weaken the will of the U.S., you must first understand and influence the individual who embodies that will. I should say, not just understand and influence, but also attempt to manipulate. Now, under this framework, even Iran's negotiation strategy may have been shaped, at least in part, by guidance originating from Beijing. So for someone like me to examine the crazy pattern of the U.S.-Iran ceasefire negotiation, I certainly see CCP's fingerprints all over. It looked chaotic, but it is deliberate. So according to Yuan, China set two objectives in this conflict. The maximum objective is to turn Iran into another Afghanistan for the U.S., a prolonged conflict that drains American resources and attention, which will become a liability for Trump politically. And the minimum objective is to ensure that Iran's theoretic system or regime does not collapse, preserving it as a strategic foothold in the Middle East. So you see, Iran in this system is not just a country, it's a node, a central connector through which influence extends to parts of Iraq, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and the Houthis in Yemen. So from this perspective, the idea that a maritime blockade alone could force Iran into surrender becomes highly questionable. Because even if maritime routes are restricted, support can still flow through land corridors. And according to these reports, that's exactly what's happening. Since the ceasefire began on April 7th, large quantities of military equipment, particularly portable systems like shoulder-fired missiles, have continued to enter Iran via the China-Iran railway. We know that before the ceasefire, Israeli strikes destroyed sections of this railway, the China-Iran railway. But according to UN sources, the line was repaired within just two days. Yes, two days. That's all it took. At the time, this shocked international observers. According to insider accounts, the engineering units responsible for the repairs came from China, which leads to a striking conclusion. China is not just supporting the conflict. It may already be part of it. Beyond military supplies, his sources claim that there are also food provisions and even counterfeit currency are being delivered through the same routes. So the question becomes, how can the U.S. actually achieve its objectives, given this challenge? The professor outlines two possible paths. First, a renewed large-scale military campaign aimed not at Iran as a nation, but at dismantling its governing structure. And the second one is a combination of economic pressure and targeted military action designed to trigger internal unrest and potentially large-scale resistance within Iran. Right now, there are already signs of growing dissatisfaction within the country, although it's in the preliminary stage. We haven't seen anything massive. But those are primarily driven by economic crisis, right? Because people cannot survive. People cannot eat. They have no food, or everything becomes unaffordable. Now, these are the only two paths that will lead to success, according to the professor. But at this moment, the U.S. appears to be testing the effectiveness of a maritime blockade. And as we've discussed, that alone is unlikely to be decisive, per the professor. Now, there is a Beijing factor, because looking ahead, there's a very big variable coming into play. And it may be the most important one, and that is Donald Trump's expected visit to Beijing in mid-May. And according to this line of analysis, Xi Jinping's primary objective is clear. The longer the war drags on, the weaker Trump will be when he goes to Beijing. That will give Xi more room to negotiate. And then Xi Jinping wants a public signal from Trump, opposing Taiwan independence and supporting the so-called peaceful reunification, or at the very least, to establish a framework where future U.S. arms sales to Taiwan would involve prior consultation with Beijing. By the way, that's why the U.S. government is pressuring the Taiwanese government or the Taiwanese legislature to pass the budget before Trump's upcoming visit to Beijing. But I think after the third round, it's still not passed. But anyways, now this is where the Iran factor comes in. By facilitating U.S.-Iran negotiations through Pakistan, which is one of China's traditional allies, Xi Jinping is trying to send a message that both he and the Chinese system still hold meaningful influence over Iran's decision-making. And if that perception holds, it gives him leverage going into talks with Trump. And there's another layer to this. Facilitating negotiation is not just about Iran. It's also about ensuring that the visit itself happens, because the visit carries symbolic weight to Xi Jinping. If Trump goes to Beijing, it reinforces the image of a G2 world, where China and the U.S. are seen as jointly shaping global outcomes. This is something that Xi Jinping has been wanting for a while. Especially at a time when the United States appears to be embroiled in a war and its traditional allies are not backing Washington up. But for Xi Jinping, he's also facing internal political pressure. So that image of hosting Trump successfully in Beijing really matters. It allows him to project authority, not just internationally, but domestically as well. So in that sense, the Iran war is not just a regional conflict. It has already become a bargaining chip in a much larger political game. And that perception could be politically valuable. Now, what I want to say is, if what Professor Yuan what he said is true, that this is not just Iran, but a broader system behind Iran. I mean, I believe what he said is true. But let's just say, if, right, let's assume, let's step back, assume what he said is true, then we should be able to see it, not just in theory, but in behavior. And that's exactly what's happening. Now, about a week ago, six Gulf states, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the UAE, Qatar, and Bahrain submitted a proposal at the UN Security Council condemning Iran's blockade of the Strait of Hormuz and calling for its reopening. China and Russia vetoed it. But then something interesting happened. Two days later, the US stepped in and imposed its own blockade. And the moment the US entered the picture, everything shifted. Russia went quiet, I mean, for the most part, and China changed its tone. And then its foreign minister, Wang Yi, came out publicly calling for de-escalation and the protection of shipping lanes. On the surface, that sounds neutral, but the timing is everything. It came right after US forces began boarding ships at sea and discovered Chinese chemical materials. And that's when the tone changed. Then came the second move. Xi Jinping personally called the Saudi Crown Prince. This was not a routine diplomatic gesture. It was a signal at the most critical energy hub in the world. China was saying, we're here and we're not going to let our interests be cut off. So you put these two moves together, you see a pattern. On one side, Chinese cargo ships are being inspected and supply chains are being exposed. On the other, the top leadership steps in immediately to secure political positioning in the region. A pivot, you could say. And it tells you something fundamental about how Beijing operates. It's never based on fixed principles. It's always based on shifting interests. If you look at the timeline, just a week earlier, Iran's blockade was selective. It targeted Western vessels, but largely allowed Chinese oil shipments to pass. And in that scenario, China actually benefited. But once the US intervened, the rule changed. And now it's no longer about who can pass. It's about who is allowed to pass. And suddenly China becomes one of the most affected players. Because China's reliance on Iranian oil is not just about its volume, but structural. So China feels the pain immediately. Now, Beijing has been working on its alternatives. And there are two main land corridors. One runs through Central Asia via Kazakhstan or Russia into the Caspian region and then into Iran. The other runs through Pakistan, entering Iran from the east. A few days ago, I believe it's April the 25th, Pakistan, in fact, announced that it has approved six specific land routes for third country transport, passing through transport, connecting major hubs to border points. This move helps China move supplies to Iran via land. I think this is a significant help to Iran. But still, there's a problem because neither of these can fully replace maritime routes. Not in scale, not in efficiency. Because China doesn't just depend on Iran. It depends heavily on energy from the entire Gulf region. And once those sea lanes are closed or disrupted, the pressure is immediate. So what do we see? A dual track response. On the surface, China calls for de-escalation. But in practice, it's repositioning itself with the key Middle Eastern players. At this point, we need to be very clear. This is no longer just diplomacy. This is China signaling to the world that in this war, it's no longer just watching. To some extent, it's ready to enter the game. Now there's another layer that we must discuss. And this is, I think, most geopolitical analysts would ignore. Because the war is no longer just external. It is now feeding directly into power struggles inside China. The CCP is heading into a critical period ahead of the next party congress in 2027. Xi Jinping is pushing very hard to consolidate power or to hold on to power, depending on which camp you're in, excuse me, to continue to rule. He wants to rule indefinitely. But he's facing growing resistance inside the system. Recently, he broke internal norms by abruptly removing two of his top senior military leaders, Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli. That wasn't just a personnel change. It created tremendous tension across multiple factions. And he has expanded opposition within the system. Now, place that against the backdrop of this war, and something becomes clear. The Iran conflict is no longer just a geopolitical issue. It has become part of China's internal power game. And from that perspective, some people argue that a prolonged war in Iran is not necessarily a problem for Xi Jinping. It may actually be helpful to him. Because prolonging the conflict creates several advantages. First, it drains U.S. military resources, which helps the PLA prepare for a future Taiwan operation. Second, it can influence U.S. domestic politics, especially from CCP's perspective, the upcoming midterm elections in November. Third, it complicates U.S.-Iran negotiations, adding uncertainty and delay. Fourth, it forces the Iranian heartliners to depend more on Beijing as it drags on. We know that there are multiple factions within the Iranian regime. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is backed by the CCP. When the war drags on, they will depend more and more on Beijing. In return, Beijing can control them. Fifth, it creates a perfect justification for Xi Jinping to launch a large-scale military audit and purge within the PLA, citing the Iran War. There is a fifth advantage. A prolonged external crisis allows China to move into a higher level of wartime readiness. China has four levels of wartime readiness. When external conflict begins to affect national interests, it can escalate to level three. Under that kind of condition, normal internal procedures can be bypassed. That creates space for political consolidation, restructuring, and control. So when you step back, the continuation of this conflict doesn't just affect the battlefield. It affects the internal balance of power, even though it hurts China's economy and the life of ordinary people. But Xi Jinping doesn't care. All he cares about is his power. Which brings us to the key uncertainty. If the pace of the war is controlled strictly by the US and Iran, negotiations still have a chance to move forward. But if external forces begin to shape the tempo, stretching the conflict, complicating it, then negotiations can stop, or worse, become tools for delay. In fact, Iranian leadership, I believe its president has already said publicly or suggested that US actions are part of a broader strategy, one that ultimately targets China, not Iran. So if the Iranian leadership is really thinking, and if they're really smart, they should understand that they shouldn't stand in the way between the US and China. China is just using them as a front. So if they're really smart, they should get out of the way and let China, let Beijing confront Trump directly. But I guess the heartliners within the Iranian regime doesn't see this. So what we're looking at now is no longer just a regional conflict. It's a multi-layered power struggle at all levels. There's a saying, either you are the player or you are the piece being played. So the question is, is China stepping into the game or has it already been in it all along? It may want to be a stealth player, but I think it can't do that anymore because it's being exposed. And that brings us to another question I think you're all interested in. Will Donald Trump, will President Trump go to Beijing? Personally, I don't think he should. At this point, there's very little for him to gain. The only potential upside would be engaging with Xi Jinping's political opponents. But realistically, if the assessment is that Xi Jinping may step down soon, then it may be worth the trip to meet the future leaders of China. But realistically, that's unlikely to happen because you don't know who it is and Xi Jinping will not let you know. And even if it did, even if you do know that there is a person or a team of people Trump doesn't need to go himself. He could send Marco Rubio or even an undersecretary of state to go. Because fundamentally, negotiations with the CCP only work under one condition, when they are truly under real pressure. Right now, neither the Iranian regime nor the CCP regime is feeling enough pain to compromise. And I think that's ultimately the point Professor Yuan Hongbin is trying to make. He is not saying the US strategy so far is wrong. He's just saying that they're not feeling painful enough. So at this point, it's impossible to negotiate. That's what I have for you today. I have already asked Chris to copy the original links of two media reports with the professor in Chinese. So if you're interested in reading the original, you have the links. I put them under reference. So yeah, you can read them. Every time I talk about Iran and China, I'm not getting a lot of views. I don't know why. Even though it's one of the hottest topics in geopolitics. Let me ask you, what do you think of my simultaneous translation of David Tsai? I'm not talking about the content. I'm just talking about the format. Because it's my first try of interviewing someone in language and with simultaneous translation. I know it's a little bit difficult to follow because you have to hear the Chinese first, then the English. And some of the things may be lost in translation because I find myself start reading the notes and not paying attention to what he was saying. Then I realized, Lei, you can't do that. You have to focus on your speaker because you're going to translate everything he says. So it's difficult to do multitasking. I think I could do better next time. Let me know what you think by leaving me comments or send me email. Someone said, I hope so. Yeah, these are my favorite earrings. They are powerful. They reinforce me. They bring me power. Okay, let's see. I saw some colorful stickers flying by. Let's thank the people. Here's one. 487, Sean Tower. Would love to hear your thoughts on Laowai86's recent upload on China possibly murdering their homeless and unemployed. The hidden sign China is collapsing. Worth a look and possibly future video. Yeah, there are so many hideous crimes happening against the underprivileged people in China. It's mentally disturbing to even talk about them, but I do not question the validity of the claim. I do believe that they are happening in China. So it's great that they're covering those stories. All right. Thank you. Thank you for the support. All right. Do I see something else? Questions, comments? All right. I think I saw something. Someone says, Christy Bauer, I disagree with Lei. Trump's actions in the war and the blockade are weakening China rather than the U.S. before the China visit. China would beg for mercy by then. I think I was just telling you what the professors view. I didn't really offer you my view. I think his view is important because he does have a lot of insight in his piece. I don't necessarily agree with all of his analysis, but I just wanted to present them in its entirety, just like my interview with the guest on Sunday night. I know some of you wrote me lengthy emails and disagree with disagreeing with some of his views, and I see your points. I'm not necessarily agreeing with all of his views, but I think it's important to present different views, right? That's my view. I do think Trump's action in the war has weakened China. I agree with that, but I think he could do more. He could be more effective. I think that's the point. I do not think the professor's point is that it didn't work or it's not effective. It's just saying that so far it has achieved its effect, but if you just continue this route, it's going nowhere. I think that's his point. You have to make the regimes, the Iranian regime and then the Chinese regime, seriously feel the pain right now before they can follow your direction. I think that's the professor's point, even though he didn't say it that way. He offers some tremendous insight that we don't hear from other sources. You have a Japanese YouTube counterpart in Japan. Her name is Random Yukutu. I would love to. Does she or he speak English or Chinese? One of them? I do think we need to present different views. The whole idea is how we can do better, right? How can we do better? How can we be more effective? That doesn't mean that it's denying other people's success or accomplishments. It's all about how we can do better. You do need to listen to different opinions. All right, let's see. Here's one. Baby batter. Love the hair up. Very coquettish. Oh, thank you. Thank you. It's because my hair is growing too long. I don't know what to do with it. Robert Shore. I agree Trump isn't going to China. With your intelligence report tonight, I'm sure that the Pentagon will alter their approach. Do you think Trump's objective to I don't know how to say this word, but I don't know which island you're referring to will be effective. I think the U.S. blockade so far is effective. But the question is, okay, it worked right now. China reacted, right? But what's next? You can't do this forever. So I think the big question is, what's next? And that's why the whole world is anxious to know. Yeah. Let's see. 43. Okay, hold on. Let me see. Oh, my goodness. There are a lot of comments. You need to be there with Xi on every big visit. You are number one translator. I used to do better. I haven't been translating for a long time. I think I lost my translation capability. Seriously, I used to be I think translation is in my gene. Like, when I hear Chinese, like English comes out. And when I do translation, I don't listen with my brain. I kind of trying to understand what the person is trying to say. Like I use my heart to feel the person's energy and that's quicker. And then so that because communication is just the message. If you receive the message, then you know what he's trying to say or she's trying to say. And then you can process English, process it in English simultaneously. That's the fastest way because if you everything goes through your brain, it's very slow because you have to listen, understand, translate, then there's a delay. But if you use your heart, then you immediately get what he's trying to say. And then it comes out at the same time. Yeah, I think Chinese to English translation is my forte, but not English to Chinese translation. English to Chinese translation is I don't do as well. I struggle with that a lot. But now I think I've lost my translation skills in both. I need to sharpen my translation skills. Someone asked me, Lei, your thoughts on why China is hoarding so much silver? China is hoarding on everything. Gold, silver, oil, grains. Is there anything that China is not hoarding? Yeah. Okay. Paul Woodward. I think your interview with Mr. Tsai was great. Oh, thank you. Someone said, Lei, I enjoy hearing you speak about the subjects mentioned. I will add, however, that many of us in the US are wary at this point, burned out. Yeah. I didn't talk much about the conflict in Iran, but I've been following that closely. I think that's exactly how people feel. And yeah. So I think the Trump administration needs to, you know, re strategize and come up with a swift resolution. Yeah. They can drag on like this. Not good. Because you lose the momentum. The longer it drags on, the more the US will lose. All right. Here's a comment. David interview was special. You did great. He may know more than you. Of course he does. He absolutely knows more than I do. That's what I want to bring him on. I mean, he has so much experience in China. He was a political commentator for over a decade and have so many followers. And he run business in China. That's precisely my point. I think the best China experts are truly people like him. So his analysis of China is spot on. But I would say that because he hasn't really lived in this country long enough. So his analysis of geopolitical situation, I should say, is interesting. You know, I could immediately see the difference between someone who has lived in this country for 20 years versus someone who has lived here for five years. So if you talk to two Chinese, both from mainland China, five years, 20 years, there's a difference. But then it's interesting because I just really appreciate people's different perspectives, even though they're very different. They could be very different from mine, because you always learn something. You're right. I hope I will bring more experts like him on, people who know more than I do. All right. All right. Someone say, okay. Format was good. It also seemed like David under a little bit of English, under a little bit of English, he waited until you were done interpreting, adding to yours. Excellent information. Big thank you. Okay. Thank you. Question for Infinity. I saw that China Observer is reporting that one million people have left Hong Kong. Do you have information to share? Yeah, that's a number that I have heard. But the thing with this kind of reporting is we just hear these numbers, but sometimes where do I look to, to substantiate that, right? So that's what I don't know what to do with information like that. So that's why channels like China Observer, they're very good at reporting these latest development coming out of China, single pieces of information here and there, but they compile them very comprehensively. I think they do a good job without really going in depth or connecting the dots. Whereas I try to connect the dots. So it's, it's a little different, but you need both. You need channels like them to give you like a top down view of China. They tell you everything that's happening, but I try to go deeper. Thank you. Okay. Oh, baby batter, baby batter. Love the show. Your insight helped me bond with my Chinese girlfriend. She's shocked. I know more about China than she does. Okay. All right. Good. Good. Excellent. Yeah. All right. Here's one. I like your take, but I like also that you're entertaining guests. Hope this be a regular, at least once or twice a week. You think my guest was entertaining? You think David was entertaining? Or you think I was entertaining? I'm not quite sure. I think David was very serious in the show. Wasn't he? Yeah. He was not trying to be funny, nor was I, but anyways, I'm glad that we were entertaining to our viewers. That's pleasant to know. Thank you. All right. Wow. Here's a, here's a question from Jackie Roberts. Yaki. I don't know how to say this. Thank you for providing guests on your stream that provide different viewpoints. Oh, thank you. And here's a question forwarded by Nicole from, and furry boss, who is Wei Jia Jiang sitting next to Trump when, oh, the, the journalist, the woman, the chairwoman of the, whatever the correspondence, the White House Correspondence Association, who is she, she came with her parents. This is what I learned from Chinese media. She came with her parents at age two as illegal immigrants. So her parents are from Fujian, the very province that sent, that sends the most illegal immigrants to the US from China. So she came when she was two with her parents. So she came to this country illegally supposedly, and then they obtained, I guess, residence status and I don't know, citizenship. I think the Chinese have really looked into her background. They say, this is based on what I read, her husband, there was a Chinese venture capitalist, very well known, deeply entangled with red capital. I think his name is Niu Shen, right, Shen Nanpeng. His VC invested in Ms. Jiang's husband's film company. So that's what the Chinese found out. Does that mean anything? I don't know. Can we draw any conclusion? I'm not so sure. Yeah. So I think this kind of experience is, I think after going through what she went through, it forces her to rethink a lot of things. I think it's events like that is life changing. I think it may not be a bad thing for some of the journalists to experience. So a lot of the Chinese dissidents living in this country do not like the chairwoman. I do not know why. I wouldn't say those things about her because I don't know her. I don't have enough information about her. But it seems that a lot of people do not like her. And it's to a point that it's a little strong. Yeah. Someone say, thank you for answering my question. I appreciate it. Okay. I'm glad I did. I might have missed some questions because a lot of questions. And ladies, someone comment on ladies' poo bear. All right. Question from Netflix Foreign. I saw a Korean streamer do an in-depth on the new PM. It's not just where he stands on foreign affairs that is worrying, but his general behavior too. I mean, South Korea's president, you talk about the new PM, the new South Korean, Lee Jae-myung. Yeah. He's very pro-China. He's worrisome. He could be the weakest link in East Asia. So, all right. That's all for tonight. I reached the bottom of all the comments. I might have missed a lot of questions. And that's it. Oh, here's a question from babylingobrace. Thank you for the good information. I support you always. And you're looking glass. I enjoy watching about what happening to those countries like US, Iran, and China. Well, thank you. DGODgoatpan. Good interviews was many insights and perspectives. Translating is challenging. I take in practice to stay proficient. Great job. And thank you for presentation. Well, thank you. Thank you for the encouragement. I should do more. All right. That's all for tonight. Thank you. And goodbye.