Has Trump fallen in love with his 'human printer'? | The News Agents

Natalie Harp, perhaps one of the more extraordinary characters in Trump's White House. She's beautiful, she's blonde, she's now got a key position and is never far away from Donald Trump. Harp reportedly leaves Trump highly personal letters in his private quarters telling him you're all that matters to me and saying I want to bring you joy. And now you've got Democrats saying well when they go low we can go even lower. What Jon Ossoff has done is say out loud what people have been whispering about. Knock knock, wink wink, I bet Donald Trump is having it away with her. The News Agents podcast is brought to you by HSBC UK, opening up a world of opportunity. This is a global production. While he fruitlessly drains our munitions and oil reserves, the president sleeps through his meetings. He golfs and trades stocks. See he doesn't want to do the job. He wants to build his ballroom and travel with Natalie on their apparently defenceless flying palace gifted by the Emir of Qatar. That is the Democrat Senator Jon Ossoff and he's talking about Donald Trump wanting to fly on his palace with Natalie and not a lot of people knew who Natalie was until Jon Ossoff said that. Now everyone in Washington and much of the American media is talking about Natalie Harp, the 35 year old presidential aide who by all accounts seldom leaves Trump's side. But who is she and why is Jon Ossoff, a potential 2028 presidential contender, talking about her? Welcome to the News Agents. The News Agents. It's Jon. It's Lewis. And a quick primer on some of the characters here before we start. Jon Ossoff, if you haven't come across him, is a Georgia senator for the Democratic Party. He is defending a must win seat in the Senate for the Democrats in November in the midterms and lots of people talk about him, as I said, as a potential presidential nominee in 2028. We'll perhaps come back to him, but he has ignited social media with that apparently off the cuff throwaway throwaway remark about one Natalie Harp. Now, Natalie Harp is and this is really saying something, perhaps one of the more extraordinary characters in Trump's White House. She's just 35 years old. She formerly was a right wing television host. She was on One America News. And as I say, she's become one of President Trump's most devoted aides. She first came into Trump's orbit after surviving bone cancer and publicly crediting his some of his health legislation right to try with regards to pharmaceuticals as saving her life at the 2020 Republican Convention. Indeed, in Wisconsin, she told Trump personally, without you, I'd have died. And since then, she has become almost you can see this in all the photographs of all the trips of Trump that Trump goes on. She's almost been permanently attached to Trump during the 2024 campaign. She earned the nickname, wait for it, the human printer, because she'd follow him around with a portable printer feeding him articles and information, especially including positive quotes about Trump that he would like. One person familiar with his operation said, if you want the president to see something, the best route is with Natalie. And just finally, people might remember listening to our episode with Maggie Haven and Jonathan Swan, the New York Times writer's journalist. In their book, they talk about this and they reveal just how intense the relationship is. Harp reportedly leaves Trump highly personal letters in his private quarters, telling him you're all that matters to me, calling him her guardian and protector in this life and saying, I want to bring you joy. So the story about the bone cancer, I think that has been kind of tugged at a little bit and the threads have started to come undone, suggesting that that story isn't quite what it seems in the fact that her going on stage and saying, you know, Donald Trump saved my life. I mean, surprise development there that it wasn't quite entirely at sea. So it's not entirely truthful in the White House of Donald Trump that something like that could possibly happen. But I mean, she comes in a long line of central casting type characters. I mean, you say she's 35, she's beautiful, she's blonde, she's immaculately turned out and so many others. I mean, you know, you go back to Hope Hicks in 2016, very similar, very good looking, immaculately turned out and people speculated about their relationship. And then there was I can't remember the name of the woman who succeeded her in the White House, but also played a very similar role. I mean, the other phrase that's been used, you talk about the human printer and, you know, there are stories of Donald Trump playing golf, you know, Bedminster or wherever it happens to be. And Donald Trump is on one golf cart and the golf cart behind is Natalie Harp with the portable printer printing out articles telling Donald Trump how fabulous he is. And you talk about Maggie Haberman, you know, the New York Times journalist who wrote that most recent book, Regime Change. She went on MS Now, one of the American networks, and called her Trump's binky, which I think translates as Trump's comforter, Trump's comfort blanket. You know, she's the person who makes Donald Trump feel good. And this comes just, you know, to put it in the context of why everyone in Washington is agog with this, is that Melania Trump hasn't been seen at Donald Trump's side for absolutely ages. But Natalie Harp, she's always there. Look, I mean, we should be straightforward about this. Well, what Ossoff is doing, and everybody knows it, is that he's clearly intimating and hinting that they're having an affair or that there's something improper about the relationship. Now, we should be clear, there is actually no evidence of that. You know, there's no evidence, there's no credible reporting about it. As I say, there has been credible reporting speaking to just how close the relationship is. And let's be honest, you know, she is, it is very Trump. Let's leave aside the sort of innuendo for a second. What we can certainly say is that she has a typically Trump relationship or the sort of relationship that is typical of Trump and the sort of White House that he runs, which is that she's not just an official. She's not just an aide, clearly. She's a sort of person that Trump likes. She's a courtier. She's a courtier for the king of Trump, for the court of Trump. Right. And that's why she's always there. And she clearly completely understands his psychology because the human printed thing is not just a fun nickname. It speaks exactly to what Trump wants and what Trump craves and what Trump needs, which is constant adulation, constant praise, constant reassurance, actually, for a man who seems to have such a big ego. You always know on one level it's deeply brittle. And she is there to buttress it the entire time, to assuage that ego every single minute of every single day. I mean, I do think, you know, look, Ossoff is a smart, smart guy and there is a lot of smart, smart money on him running in twenty eight if he wins his Georgia seat, which which looks likely he's way ahead in the polls in what is a very purple state. Every he knows exactly what he's doing. Every speech he makes, people may have seen some of his other speeches that have lit up the Internet. Every speech he makes, you know, he's been majoring on on themes around corruption, around the president's uselessness of him just sitting in the White House all day, you know, waging foreign wars of building and rebuilding. The only thing that he's interested in is is the reconstruction of the White House, the ballroom, et cetera. And his speeches and his entire campaign is primed and perfectly calculated for virality. Yeah. So he knew that in saying virality rather than virility. Correct. Well, in this case, the virality about the president's virility or lack thereof, he knew that that would catch fire. Yeah, I have to say, you know, I mean, and and it has. And and the Dems are lapping it up and they love it. And of course, you can sort of say it speaks to the kind of idea of of Trump being like a kind of like Bourbon King or something, you know, of of of having that call and having these women around him and this kind of decadence of it all as the United States struggles, as inflation goes up, as the war isn't being won. You also have to say, right, that it's it's pretty tawdry, pretty unpleasant, right? It's very Trump era. It's very 20, 20, 26. It's very much the Dems playing Trump at his own game. And we might say, great, but we should also remember, of course, it must be pretty unpleasant for her to be talked about in that way. Yes. And I think that that's a really important point, because I think that, you know, look, Ossoff, we say that he looks like he's going to be a candidate. I counsel you to go and have a look at Ossoff's, that clip about him, you know, about Natalie and the camera angles are fantastic. It's beautifully shot. He's at a rally. There must be four different cameras, one shooting from below up to that square jaw and that sort of full head of dark hair. And he looks great and he looks commanding. This is obviously a guy who is thinking about a 28 run and he knows what he's doing and has got a very good social media game. I mean, whether there's much more beyond that great social media game we'll see in the coming months, but he's playing it very well. And as for that bit about the Democrats, you know, were kind of it was embodied by Michelle Obama when she said, when they go low, we go high. And now you've got Democrats saying, well, when they go low, we could go even lower. You know, if they're going to hit below the belt, well, we'll bloody well hit below the belt. And that is what Ossoff has done on the basis of nothing, just pure innuendo, nod, nod, wink, wink. I bet Donald Trump is having it away with her. You know, and that's the sort of tone that you get by just introducing this character, Natalie. But it clearly has struck a nerve because the White House comms director, Stephen Choo, has responded. John Jackoff, not Ossoff, John Jackoff, your nickname. Yeah, exactly. It has to be the biggest cuck loser in politics. Instead of denigrating hardworking people serving their country, John should look deep into his soul and ask himself why he's a miserable person who hates this country. It's because he's a radical extremist. Sorry, I missed that. Biggest what? Loser. What does that mean, cuck? I don't know. This is more your language, Lewis. Come on, you explain it. No, no, I don't think I will. Anyway, I think it's fair to say. It's not flattering. I can't believe it. I think the main explanation... It's not the Gettysburg Address, is it? It's not really. It really isn't. Yeah, four score and ten years ago, this republic was founded by the biggest cucks in North America. I mean, honestly, dear, oh, dear. Well, anyway, Trump himself, clearly very irritated by it. He was asked about it in the White House yesterday by a CNN reporter. Just take a look at his response. I guess what John Ossoff said, if you'd rather travel with your aide Natalie Hartman, Bill, what is your response to John Ossoff? You mean Pee Wee Herman, Pee Wee Herman lookalike? No, I would much rather do other things. It's a we're building a great facility here. We're fixing a White House that hasn't been taken care of. You can look at this. This room was... And then she tried to follow up on a separate matter. And I think it's fair to say that the president's patience was out of hand. Quiet. You're very disrespectful in front of this young man. OK, don't you find her disrespectful? He understands. Quiet. Who are you with? I'm with CNN. Fake news. I just want to follow up on this South Korean question. You're a loud, boisterous person. You're fake news. I was trying to find out if you had been talking to Kim Jong Un, if he had asked you to scale back on those military exercises. Yeah, I tell you what, the finest republic in the history of the world. And we've got and we've got the president of the United States shouting a report and telling her to be quiet. And we've got his spokesperson accusing his political opponents of being cucks. I mean, where I mean, where are we, John? We hold these truths to be self-evident that all cucks are created equal. I mean, honestly, I think I think the depressing thing is I do wish someone in the White House press corps would just say, stop it. Speak to speak to people with respect. I mean, he's called, you know, quiet. Piggy was a phrase he used to another. I think it was a Bloomberg reporter on Air Force One calling someone piggy. And it's always to women that he is most offensive. You know, like he just can't help himself if he's challenged by a woman, but to be rude and offensive in reply to her. But I think it shows that, you know, this is not going well for Donald Trump at the moment on all sorts of different fronts. And he's he's scratchy. He's techie. And that comes through. And I think that, you know, what John Ossoff has done is say out loud what people had been whispering about. And the White House won't like that at all. Well, clearly not. I mean, Ossoff, his part has defended it. He did an interview with MS Now on Monday night. He was asked why he chose to invoke HAARP and whether that was below the belt. Not fair to her in particular. He said that Trump had mired the country in a geopolitical disaster and retreats retreats into the bubble of the West Wing aides who are a security blanket to make him feel good about himself. So this is sort of part of the this is the sort of wider critique, in a sense. I mean, the seriousness of this, I think, is the way in which the Democrats are trying to make him out to basically being a decadent figure, which he is helping them with increasingly. The other day when he was asked about the effect of the Iran war on gas prices, for example, he literally said that I was I was writing my brains to try and think of any kind of comparator in history of a leader, democratic leader saying this. And I just couldn't think of anything. He literally said when asked about the gas prices were still high as a result of his war, he says, I don't care. You'll just have to live with it. You know, for for a for a leader, OK, he's not going to have to face election again, whatever Steve Bannon's weird fetid fantasies are about him running in 2028. He's not going to have to be face the electors again. But all of those Republicans, including Ossoff's challenger, including are going to have to in only a few months time. And you've got to think if you're a Republican strategist, you'll be tearing your hair out that you've got the lead of your party literally turning around to the country and going, you know how I promised basically to bring down prices. Not only have I not done that, but I literally don't care that I've inflated them. That's the state of Republican politics at the moment. And all when he's asked about any of these things, he does. What we just saw in that clip there, whenever he's asked about, as the Americans would say, meat and potato issues, prices, cost of things, drug prices, health care, whatever. He literally pivots straight away back to the progress of the ballroom or the progress of the White House improvements. He's literally turning around to the American public and saying, I'm not much bothered about what's going on in your house, but let me tell you about the extension I'm doing to mine. It's crazy politics. It is crazy politics. And I think that does help explain why the Democrats feel they're onto something now with focusing on the White House and the people in it and the characters around Donald Trump. Because, you know, you look at the Oval Office now and compare it to a photo of the Oval Office just a year and a half ago. It's unrecognizable. The amount of gold kind of that has appeared on fireplaces, on the walls. There is guilt everywhere. That's without a you. And, you know, Donald Trump has completely obsessed by building this ballroom and knocking down the East Wing, which he hasn't had any sort of planning permission to do, but has just unilaterally taken it upon himself that the most important thing that America needs right now is a multimillion dollar ballroom. Well, if that's what you're going to do, then maybe you do focus on the characters in the White House. And as I say, look, when I was, you know, covering the first term, you would go from the press briefing room through two little sliding doors. And then you're into what's called lower press, which is the sort of lower press office of the White House. And it was staffed by just these beautiful young women. I mean, they were all dazzling and they all looked like they were kind of from a glamour shoot and they all looked like they were kind of models that had got the job. That is the sort of those are the sort of people that Donald Trump has. And here we have now this Natalie Hartwoman, who, as you say, was one American news presenter and one American news network is not a conventional news. It is, you know, it's Trump amplified. It makes Fox News look like it makes Fox News look like it's a sort of wishy washy liberal organisation, hand wringing snowflakes. I mean, one American news is the real deal for Donald Trump. And so, you know, she catches Donald Trump's eye. She's now got a key position in the White House and is never far away from Donald Trump. I mean, the White House really is disgusting these days, isn't it? I saw Obama opening his new presidential library in Chicago the other day. He did a little video and he was taking the piss saying like, oh, because they've recreated as they always do with these libraries. They recreate the Oval Office as it looked. Yes. When the principal, whoever the leader was, was president. And he just goes in and goes like, oh, well, I see you haven't got the little sign announcing that it's the Oval Office here because it's in sort of serif italics, Lucinda calligraphy, handwriting on the outside of the door that Trump has got it now. I mean, honestly, the way that Trump people have seen it on that clip just now, people who are watching, like honestly, the way he's got the White House now, there is so much gold and tat and tawdry little nonsense. It looks like it looks like Saddam Hussein won an episode of Changing Rooms. Like it's absolutely revolting. It's just disgusting. It's it's it's supposed to be this kind of like patrician pared back symbol. The people's house. Yes, exactly. The people's house. And honestly, he he is there's a man with, as my name would say, is all money, no taste. Yeah. And, you know, and look, it's coming back to bite them, you sense. Because if you look at his approval ratings and these sort of stories that are coming out now are about the court within the White House. And I kind of think that whilst, you know, there is no evidence to suggest that he's having an affair with this woman. As you say, Lewis, you know, it's just pure innuendo that we're getting. But I think the focusing on how the court operates is entirely legitimate when Donald Trump is obsessed by this and what his own White House looks like and says, screw you, America, if you can't afford to fill up the car with petrol. Donald Trump as leader of the as leader in Versailles. Hey, Mr. President, Louis XIV called. He thinks the Oval Office is looking a bit much. Yeah, it's a bit much these days. The sunbed king. So let us move now from the court of King Donald to the court of a rather angry Prince Nigel. And what is happening in reform? And Lewis, you and I did the podcast on Friday when we were talked about the victory that reform had had in Clacton, that Nigel Farage had been returned. And yet we then heard from Tim Montgomery, one of those who'd been very closely, you know, involved in the Conservative Party, who had transferred to reform in a high profile kind of defection, if you like, talking about how Nigel wasn't a happy warrior and there was too much bitterness and kind of unhappiness and chippiness in reform. And we've learned today that Tim Montgomery has been suspended as a member of the Reform Party, so much for the party of free speech where everyone should be able to say whatever they like. Yeah. And here is I mean, this all happened before Tim Montgomery did an interview with The Spectator podcast. Let's just listen to what he had to say and about his relationship with Zia Yousaf, the Home Affairs spokesperson. There are a lot of people who are on no speaking terms with Zia and it's nearly always Zia who initiates this. And it needs to end. You cannot behave like a child in politics. You cannot have litmus tests, you know, on so many litmus tests where you stop talking to people. And I genuinely pay tribute to what Zia, like I've mentioned, you know, how brilliant he was on the vetting thing. He made the party organisation work. He has so many qualities, but he has to, he has to be a team player. So Tim Montgomery, as John said there, I mean, look, he was a conservative. He joined Reform about two years ago and has been, I think it's fair to say, generated some irritation at the higher levels of Reform and some of those around Farage, certainly some of those around Zia Yousaf. He's been quite critical sometimes of the way the party's been doing things. He's quite critical of the way Farage conducted himself just the other day after the after the by-election in Clacton when he didn't turn up and so on. So, you know, I think this is the product to some extent of long simmering tension. But I think it's also true to say Montgomery is correct that Yousaf himself has become a flashpoint internally within Reform. There is doubtless a war of words internally about him and about his actions and just how vitriolic he has become online in particular. And his online activity. We talked last week about John, as you say, about his attacking Ben Wallace, the former conservative defence secretary, as a traitor. Even Farage said that that went too far and these are ticking off, needed a ticking off, but the tweet still remains. He also just last week suggested that the boss and board of Vodafone would be jailed if they didn't adhere to Reform party policy on basically a charity scheme, giving SIM cards, e-SIM cards to to migrants, to asylum seekers. So I think this is interesting in the sense that, you know, one of Reform's big challenges has been to make that transition like all of Farage's political outfits from basically being a one man band and receptacle for discontent in the country to something much more complicated and much more unwieldy, which is a large broad based party capable of internal dissent. On the basis of this, that transition is not going particularly smoothly. But the one thing that always strikes me about Zia Youssef, who we spent a lot of last week talking about, is that he seems most uncomfortable with the conservatives who've come across to reform. He seems quite comfortable with Reform party members themselves who've always been part of the Nigel Farage sort of grouping. Yes, but kind of somewhat, you know, and you can see you go back to some of the quotes that he made about, you know, Suella Braverman in the past or others of Jenrick as well. And it's the ex-Tories that have come to Farage that he seems to feel, I don't know what it is. And it's hard to explain. This has been, I think, basically the internal fissure within Reform over the last 12 months, and which has created the most acrimony and disagreement, I think, and it's a legitimate disagreement because it points to two different policy directions. You know, Farage, particularly at the height of their polling six, nine months ago, they were keen and there were voices around Farage that were keen, and Farage himself, to take these ex-conservatives on because their view was that this was a battle for supremacy on the right. And the thing they needed to do was to kill the Tory party. The Tory party was its most frail, its most vulnerable. And if they did that, then they would automatically gain a ton of votes. And the best way of doing that is to illustrate to Tory voters out there that the Tory party is dead, it's gone, it's buried. And you do that by taking current serving Tory politicians like Sweller Braverman, like Robert Jenrick, like Danny Kruger on board. And you show that you are the healthy, vital party of the right of British politics. There are those around Farage, and Yusuf is certainly one of them when he was party chairman, who thought that this was a mistake because what it did was to basically suggest to the voters that we're not the new populist coming force. We're not the clean skin. We're basically the Tory party reborn, redux. And I think there's some evidence to say that taking those people on board has dented their popularity. And it certainly allowed someone like Rupert Lowe on the far right of politics to come in and say, no, they're just more of the same. They're part of the so-called uni party. And I've even spoken to reform people as well, who are they don't just think it's a mistake. I've spoken to reform people who who think that or at least have hinted or at least expressed some concern that maybe these people don't really have the party's best interests at heart. Some of them may even be double agents. You know, they're sort of part of a wider plan to destabilize reform from within. A lot of those people, for example, believe that Restore and Rupert Lowe is all part of a Tory plot because Lowe and Badenock apparently get on well. So there's a lot of paranoia justified. I don't know, but there's a lot of paranoia internally within reform about these people. It's not just about political direction. So it's Tory entryists, Tory entryism. Yeah. Going into this, you kind of mind goes back to Kinnock and, you know, the militant tendency kind of infiltrating the Labour Party. So that sort of thing. So the the Tory disaffected Tories have gone over as double agents, infiltrate reform and bring it down from within. Exactly. Is that the theory? That is a theory. And I mean, and, you know, I've heard that expressed. But if we leave that to one side, just in terms of substance and policy, a lot of this is really about tone. A lot of people, I think, like Tim Montgomery and others want to soften the language and the image of reform because they believe that that is the way that you move from a 20 percent or 25 percent situation to 30 or 35 percent situation. They also say I think there's some truth to this. They also say that the right's biggest problem right now is the fact that it is split among in three directions. And there is huge tactical anti-reform voting. We've seen that play out in by-election after by-election and they've got to overcome that. So the Tim Montgomery's believe that the best chance of doing that is to soften the party's image, have more policies on non-traditional reform areas like health and education and so on to try and become a broader movement. Someone like Zia Yusuf says, no, no, no, no, no. Our problem is a split on the right. We've got to maximise our votes. We've got to compete, not just on the traditional broadcast and get pat on the back from like, you know, liberal producers, the BBC and the newspapers and so on. But we've got to compete in the content war and the attention economy, which means we have to be out there at our boldest, at our hardest and talking in the languages that got us to this place in the first place. And we certainly don't need you lily-livered sort of Tories, fake reformers coming and telling us how to do things. So that's the split, basically, between those who believe that tactical voting is the biggest problem and those who believe that actually leading votes to the right to restore is the biggest problem facing the party. I suppose, isn't it possible that, you know, you can do both? You can appeal, you know, you've got Zia Yusuf and others appealing to the sort of people who might vote for Rupert Lowe's Restore Party. But equally, you've got people like Tim Montgomery and, I don't know, Generic maybe, who are saying, you know, what we need to do is to be building up our support in those home counties, Tory seats, where at the moment they're rather suspicious of reform because they think we're all, you know, swivel-eyed and whatever. And so I think, isn't it possible that you could be doing both simultaneously, that you're throwing red meat out to the far right and you're looking moderate and, you know, other people within the party are looking moderate and centrist to win over disaffected Tories? Well, it's also possible something else is going on as well, right, which is that there is basically almost a shadow competition going on for the succession. Yeah. You know, everybody does have suspicion as to whether Farage will last the parliament as leader, particularly if Burnham goes long. I think this is an election next May, he'll probably be there, but he might not be. Is Farage's heart really in it? People around him say it absolutely is, that Clacton proved that. But, you know, you're basically seeing, I think, a shadow contest go on between Jenrick and Youssef and in terms of the two different wings of the party, the kind of like Tory-like wing and the harder edged, classic kind of reform vote, those who were sort of around Farage. So I think that, you know, Montgomery has said this himself in that interview, and I think he's right, that as soon as you assume that Youssef is running for leader, all of his actions recently make a lot of sense. Make a lot of sense. And look, there's something bigger going on here as well, which is that I do think that whether you think Montgomery or not should be in that party. I mean, he said something else interesting in that interview where he basically says, you know, when he joined Reform, he told Farage, look, I was a bit of a pain in the arse to David Cameron when I was editor of Conservative Home. And indeed he was. He was often a bit of a critic of David Cameron when he was in the Conservative Party. You know, you've got to know if I come over, then I might end up being that to you. And then he says, well, this will be the test because he's giving a difficult interview about them to the spectator. Twenty four hours later, after he's done that interview, he's out of the party. And I think, you know, this does speak to the different sorts of party that Reform is in so many ways. It still is a command and control operation in and around Nigel Farage. You know, it isn't that within the Labour and the Conservative parties, the big historic parties, there is an expectation. Yes, there is an expectation that, you know, there will be a certain level of internal dissent which will be allowed. You have different factions of the party. You have different wings of the party. You have a debate within the party. Now, sometimes, of course, those leaders can come down on you like a ton of bricks. You might lose the whip or whatever. But there is an expectation, at least, that if you're not on the front bench, there is some discussion, particularly, I mean, Montgomery's not even a politician. You know, he's just like he's a commentator within the party, you know. So I do think that it speaks to that difference, that this is still such a Nigel Farage centred outfit. His authority is everything. His writ runs large. And it is not a normal sort of political parties we would expect. And to be honest, if they wanted to be our party of government, you do have to expect a little bit more diversity of thought, internal debate as to where they might go. So you can have free speech as long as it is fully in line with what Nigel Farage thinks. Otherwise, goodbye. Thank you very much. We've had an email from Steph for which thank you. And it says, just wanted to say that I greatly sympathise with Lewis's fox troubles. We accidentally left the door open one evening and a fox stole a pair of my boots, which I later recovered as they were strewn halfway down the street. How they knew it was an actual pair of boots, I'll never know. Oh, and they also left a turd on our carpeted stairs. Delightful. Thanks, news agents. So that is the same fox, because I'm afraid to report that Fox did the same. Very near the stairs anyway. Just just on the outside our bedroom door. Must be a restless politics fan. So, I mean, fox poo stinks. Indeed. I mean, you know, so do the rest is politics fans. Look, don't start a war on a new front. I mean, there are only so many fights we can have at any. Come on, that's coward talk. So more than that. So how's your house? Give us the latest Fox News. The Fox News. Yeah, well, I mean, look, I'm happy to report that basically the house continues to be the animals of farthing bloody woods. Got a couple of owls in there now. Adders, a couple of newts. Basically, it is all to the memory of the late, great Bill Oddie. Yeah, no, it's fine. I mean, it's still it does. There is still, I would say, a faint sort of odour Fox. I'd say. Yeah. So I stayed in a hotel the other day, German run hotel. Where's this? And I got a note from saying that you are checking out the next day. And it said, Dear Mr. Soap, just to remind you that checkout is at 12 o'clock because that will give us time to cleanse and disinfect your room. I mean, are you saying disinfect? And I'm thinking, bloody hell, what do you think I've done in this bedroom? I just slept here a couple of nights. They've heard about disinfecting. They've heard about your reputation. We'll be back tomorrow. We'll see. We'll see. Bye bye. Bye. The News Agents podcast is brought to you by HSBC UK opening up a world of opportunity. This has been a global production.